Now, Sir, lay your hand upon your heart, as you have enjoined me to do on mine, and tell me, to which of these purposes do the proceedings of America tend?

Is it the weight of taxes imposed, and the impossibility of relief after a due representation of her burden, that has induced her to take arms? or is it a denial of the rights of British legislation to impose them, and consequently a struggle for total independency? For the idea of power that can tax externally and not internally, and all the sophistry that attends it, though it may catch the weakness and the prejudice of the multitude in a speech or pamphlet, it is too preposterous to weigh seriously with a man of your understanding; and I am confident you will admit the case to be fairly put. Is it then from a relief of taxes, or from the control of Parliament, “in all cases whatsoever,” we are in war? If for the former, the quarrel is at an end; there is not a man of sense and information in America, who does not know it is in the power of the Colonies to put an end to the exercise of taxation immediately and forever. I boldly assert it, because sense and information will also suggest to every man, that it can never be the interest of Britain, after her late experience, to make another trial.

But if the other ground is taken, and it is intended to wrest from Great Britain a link of that substantial, and, I hope, perpetual chain, by which the Empire holds, think it not a ministerial mandate; think it not a mere professional ardour; think it not a prejudice against a part of our fellow-subjects, that induces men of integrity, (and among such you have done me the honour to class me,) to act with vigour; but be assured it is a conviction that the whole of our political system depends upon the preservation of its great and essential parts distinctly, and no part is so great and essential as supremacy of legislation. It is a conviction, that as a King of England never appears in so glorious a light as when he employs the executive powers of the state to maintain the laws, so, in the present exertions of that power, His Majesty is particularly entitled to our zeal and grateful obedience, not only as soldiers but as citizens.

These principles, depend upon it, actuate the Army and Fleet throughout. And let me at the same time add, there are few, if any, gentlemen among us who would have drawn his sword in the cause of slavery.

But why do I bind myself to the Navy and Army? The sentiments I have touched are those of the great bulk of the Nation. I appeal to the landed men who have so long borne burdens for America; I appeal to those trading Towns who are sufferers by the dispute, and the City of London at the head of them, notwithstanding the petitions and remonstrances which the arts of party and faction have extorted from some individuals; and last, because least in your favour, I appeal to the majorities in the Houses of Parliament upon American questions this session. The most licentious news-writers want assurance to call these majorities Ministerial, much less will you give them that name when you impartially examine the characters that compose them; men of the most independent principles and fortunes, and many of them professedly in opposition to the Court in the general line of their conduct.

Among other supporters of British rights against American claims, I will not speak positively, but I firmly believe I may name the man of whose integrity you have the highest opinion, and whose friendship is nearest your heart—I mean Lord Thanet, from whom my Aid-de-Camp has a letter for you, and also one from Sir Charles Davers. I do not enclose them, because the writers, little imagining how difficult your conduct would render our intercourse, desired they might be delivered to your own hands.

For this purpose, as well as to renew “the rights of fellowship,” I wish to see you; and, above all, I should find an interview happy if it should induce such explanation as might tend in their consequences to peace. I feel, in common with all around me, for the unhappy bulk of this Country; they foresee not the distress that is impending over them. I know Great Britain is ready to open her arms upon the first overture of accommodation; I know she is equally resolute to maintain her original rights; and if the war proceeds, your one hundred and fifty thousand men will not be a match for her power.

The place I would propose for our meeting is the house upon Boston Neck, just within our advanced sentries, called Brown’s house. I will obtain authority to give my parole of honour for your safe return. I shall expect the same on your part, that no insult be offered to me. If this plan is agreeable to you, name your day and hour. At all events, accept a sincere return of the assurances with which you honour me, and believe me, in all personal considerations, affectionately yours.

P. S. I obeyed your commands to General Howe and Clinton. I also communicated your letter and my answer to Lord Percy. They all join me in compliments, and authorize me to assure you they do the same in principle.

To the Honourable the Provincial Congress of MASSACHUSETTS-BAY, convened at WATERTOWN, JULY 8, 1775.

The Petition of the Selectmen and Committee of Safety, at the desire and in behalf of the Inhabitants of the District of HARPSWELL, humbly sheweth:

That your petitioners have at all times exerted themselves in prosecuting those measures recommended by the Continental and Provincial Congresses; that it is their fixed determination to continue thus to do; that some of said inhabitants cheerfully enlisted for the publick safety, and so ward off that despotick and arbitrary power with which Administration is aiming to govern the Colonies.

That said District, on the account of the situation, being an isthmus, or neck of land, about ten miles in length, (with many adjacent islands,) navigable on each side upwards of seven miles, for ships of the Navy, and abounding with cattle, sheep, &c., is peculiarly exposed to the ravages of the British Troops. That the inhabitants of said District did, at their own cost, station guards every night at sundry places most exposed, lest the Troops should not be benefited by their provisions. That the enlisted men were, upon the twentieth of June last, put upon duty by order of their superiour officers, to guard said District from the plundering of Troops which were daily expected with cutters, &c. That the inhabitants of said District are in low circumstances, and are unable to enlist any more men unless their husbandry employment greatly suffers, which must be an additional distress to that which they already feel. That should the men already enlisted be called away to join the Army, said District is liable to fall an easy prey to the ravages of Troops which may attack it for fresh provisions. Your petitioners therefore humbly pray that this honourable Congress, in their great wisdom, would allow said District the number of men already enlisted, with such an additional number as the Congress may judge proper; and your petitioners, as in duty bound, shall ever pray.

JOHN RODICK,
WM. SYLVESTER,
Selectmen of said District.

PAUL RANDALL,
WM. SYLVESTER,
Committee of Safety for said District.

Harpswell, July 8, 1775.

NEW-HAMPSHIRE COMMITTEE OF SAFETY TO DR. LANGDON.

In Committee of Safety, Exeter, July 8, 1775.

REVEREND SIR: We have sent several letters to the Committee to be forwarded to the Continental Congress; but as we have had no account from the Congress nor our Delegates of their being received, we fear, by some means or other, they have been neglected. The enclosed letter is of great consequence to us; we therefore beg the favour of you to forward it by the first safe conveyance. By your connection with the General, it is probable you will know of every opportunity, which we hope will be a sufficient apology for troubling you.

I am, in behalf of said Committee,

WILLIAM WHIPPLE.

Reverend Doctor Langdon.

NEW-HAMPSHIRE COMMITTEE OF SAFETY TO THEIR DELEGATES AT THE CONTINENTAL CONGRESS.

GENTLEMEN: The Congress of this Colony adjourned yesterday to the twenty-second of next month, having delegated their power to this Committee during their recess, to provide for the publick safety.