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in the trade with them; and be enabled at our general expense, by occasional small supplies, to relieve their personal wants and distresses. And all purchases from them shall be by the Congress, for the general advantage and benefit of the United Colonies.

ARTICLE XII. As all new institutions may have imperfections, which only time and experience can discover, it is agreed that the General Congress, from time to time, shall propose such Amendments of this Constitution as may be found necessary; which being approved by a majority of the Colony Assemblies, shall be equally binding with the rest of the Articles of this Confederation.

ARTICLE XIII. Any and every Colony from Great Britain upon the Continent of North America, not at present engaged in our Association, may, upon application and joining the said Association, be received into the Confederation, viz: Ireland, the West-India Islands, Quebeck, St. John’s, Nova-Scotia, Bermudas, and East and West Floridas; and shall thereupon be entitled to all the advantages of our union, mutual assistance, and commerce.

There Articles shall be proposed to the several Provincial Conventions or Assemblies, to be by them considered; and if approved, they are advised to empower their Delegates to agree to and ratify the same in the ensuing Congress. After which the union thereby established is to continue firm, till the terms of reconciliation proposed in the Petition of the last Congress to the King are agreed to; till the Acts since made, restraining the American Commerce and Fisheries, are repealed; till reparation is made for the injury done to Boston, by shutting up Its Port; for the burning of Charlestown; and for the expense of this unjust war; and till all the British Troops are withdrawn from America. On the arrival of these events, the Colonies will return to their former connexion and friendship with Britain: but on failure thereof, this Confederation is to be perpetual.

After some time spent in Committee of the Whole, the President resumed the chair, and Mr. Ward reported, that they had come to certain Resolutions, which he read, and desired leave to sit again.

The Committee appointed to devise ways and means to protect the Trade of these Colonies, brought in their Report, which was read.

Ordered, That the same be taken into consideration to-morrow morning.

The Congress then entered upon the consideration of the Report from the Committee of the Whole, and after some debate,

Resolved, That such a body of Troops be kept up in the Massachusetts-Bay as General Washington shall think necessary, provided they do not exceed twenty-two thousand men.

Adjourned till to-morrow, at eight o’clock.


Saturday, July 22, 1775.

The Congress met according to adjournment.

Agreeable to the Order of yesterday, the Congress took into consideration the Report of the Committee appointed to devise ways and means to protect the Trade of these Colonies, and after some debate, the same was postponed, to be taken up at some future day.

The Congress then resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole, to take into consideration the state of America. And after some time spent therein, the President resumed the chair, and Mr. Ward reported that the Committee had taken into consideration the matter referred to them, but not having come to a conclusion, desired leave to sit again.

Resolved, That this Congress will on Monday again resolve itself into a Committee of the Whole, to take into farther consideration the state of America.

On motion, Resolved, That Doctor Franklin, Mr. Jefferson, Mr. J. Adams, and Mr. Lee, be a Committee to take into consideration, and report on the Resolution of the House of Commons, February 20, 1775, commonly called Lord North’s Motion.

Adjourned till Monday, at eight o’clock.

Monday, July 24, 1775.

The Congress met according to adjournment.

A Letter from the General, dated July 14, with an enclosed List of the Officers of the Ministerial Troops killed and wounded in the late battle at Charlestown, was laid before Congress, and read.

The Congress then resolved themselves into a Committee of the Whole, to take into consideration the state of America. After some time spent therein, the President resumed the chair, and Mr. Ward reported, that the Committee had taken the matter referred to them into consideration, but not having come to a conclusion, desired leave to sit again.

The Committee for that purpose appointed, brought in a Report for establishing a Hospital.

Ordered, To lie on the table.

Adjourned till to-morrow.


Tuesday, July 25, 1775.

The Congress met according to adjournment.

The Committee appointed to consider the ways and means of establishing Posts, brought in their Report; which was read, and ordered to be taken into consideration to-morrow.

The Committee appointed to bring in an answer to the Resolution of the House of Commons, brought in their Report; which was read, and ordered to lie on the table for consideration.

The Congress being informed that a quantity of the Continental Gunpowder, amounting to about six tons and a half, was arrived in this City:

Ordered, That the Delegates of this Colony take measures to have it sent under a safe convoy with all possible despatch to Gen. Washington, at the Camp before Boston.

That the Delegates be empowered to order a detachment of Riflemen raised for the Continental Army, consisting of at least two Officers and thirty Men, to meet the Powder Wagons at Trenton, and from thence to escort the same to the Camp.

The Congress then resumed the consideration of the Address to the Assembly of Jamaica, which being debated by paragraphs, was agreed to, and is as follows:

Mr. Speaker,

And Gentlemen of the Assembly of JAMAICA:

We would think ourselves deficient in our duty, if we suffered this Congress to pass over, without expressing our esteem for the Assembly of Jamaica.

Whoever attends to the conduct of those who have been entrusted with the administration of British affairs during these last twelve years, will discover in it a deliberate plan to destroy, in every part of the Empire, the free constitution, for which Britain has been so long and so justly famed. With a dexterity, artful and wicked, they have varied the modes of attack, according to the different characters and circumstances of those whom they meant to reduce. In the East-Indies, where the effeminacy of the inhabitants promised an easy conquest, they thought it unnecessary to veil their tyrannick principles under the thinest disguise. Without deigning even to pretend a justification of their conduct, they sacrificed the lives of millions to the gratification of their insatiable avarice and lust of power. In Britain, where the maxims of freedom were still known, but where luxury and dissipation had diminished the wonted reverence for them, the attack has been carried on in a more secret and indirect manner: corruption has been employed to undermine them. The Americans are not enervated by effeminacy, like the inhabitants of India; nor debauched by luxury, like those of Great Britain: it was, therefore, judged improper to assail them by bribery, or by undisguised force. Plausible systems were formed; specious pretences were made: all the arts of sophistry were tried to shew that the British Ministry had by law a right to enslave us. The first and best maxims of the Constitution, venerable to Britons and to Americans, were perverted and profaned. The power of Parliament, derived from the people, to bind the people, was extended over those from whom it was never derived. It is asserted, that a

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