Standing Army may be constitutionally kept among us, without our consent. Those principles, dishonourable to those who adopted them, and destructive to those to whom they were applied, were nevertheless carried into execution by the foes of liberty and of mankind. Acts of Parliament, ruinous to America, and unserviceable to Britain, were made to bind us; Armies, maintained by the Parliament, were sent over to secure their operation. The power, however, and the cunning of our adversaries, were alike unsuccessful. We refused to their Parliaments an obedience, which our judgments disapproved of; we refused to their Armies a submission, which spirits unaccustomed to slavery could not brook.

But while we spurned a disgraceful subjection, we were far from running into rash or seditious measures of opposition. Filled with sentiments of loyalty to our Sovereign, and of affection and respect for our fellow-subjects in Britain, we petitioned, we supplicated, we expostulated: Our prayers were rejected; our remonstrances were disregarded; our grievances were accumulated. All this did not provoke us to violence.

An appeal to the justice and humanity of those who had injured us, and who were bound to redress our injuries, was ineffectual: we next resolved to make an appeal to their interest, though by doing so, we knew we must sacrifice our own, and (which gave us equal uneasiness) that of our friends, who had never offended us, and who were connected with us by a sympathy of feelings, under oppressions similar to our own. We resolved to give up our commerce that we might preserve our liberty. We flattered ourselves, that when, by withdrawing our commercial intercourse with Britain, which we had an undoubted right either to withdraw or continue, her trade should be diminished, her revenues impaired, and her manufactures unemployed, our Ministerial foes would be induced by interest, or compelled by necessity, to depart from the plan of tyranny which they had so long pursued, and to substitute in its place a system more compatible with the freedom of America, and justice of Britain. That this scheme of non-importation and non-exportation might be productive of the desired effects, we were obliged to include the Islands in it. From this necessity, and from this necessity alone, has our conduct towards them proceeded. By converting your sugar plantations into fields of grain, you can supply yourselves with the necessaries of life: while the present unhappy struggle shall continue, we cannot do more.

But why should we make any apology to the patriotick Assembly of Jamaica, who know so well the value of liberty; who are so sensible of the extreme danger to which ours is exposed; and who foresee how certainly the destruction of ours must be followed by the destruction of their own?

We receive uncommon pleasure from observing the principles of our righteous opposition distinguished by your approbation; we feel the warmest gratitude for your pathetic mediation in our behalf with the Crown. It was indeed unavailing—but are you to blame? Mournful experience tells us that petitions are often rejected, while the sentiments and conduct of the petitioners entitle what they offer to a happier fate.

That our petitions have been treated with disdain, is now become the smallest part of our complaint: Ministerial insolence is lost in ministerial barbarity. It has, by an exertion peculiarly ingenious, procured those very measures, which it laid us under the hard necessity of pursuing, to be stigmatized in Parliament as rebellious: It has employed additional Fleets and Armies for the infamous purpose of compelling us to abandon them: It has plunged us into all the horrours and calamities of civil war: It has caused the treasure and blood Britons (formerly shed and expended for far other ends) to be spilt and wasted in the execrable design of spreading slavery over British America. It will not, however, accomplish its aim: In the worst of Contingencies, a choice will still be left, which it never can prevent us from making.

The peculiar situation of your Island forbids your assistance. But we have your good wishes. From the good wishes of the friends of liberty and mankind, we shall always derive consolation.

Ordered, That a fair copy be made out, to be signed by the President, and transmitted by the first opportunity.

The Congress then, resuming the consideration of the Report of the Committee of the Whole, came to the following Resolutions:

Resolved, That a body of Forces, not exceeding five thousand, be kept up in the New-York Department, for the purpose of defending that part of America, and for securing the Lakes, and defending the Frontiers from invasions or incursions.

That a farther sum, amounting to One Million of Dollars, be struck in bills of thirty Dollars each.

As the signing so great a number of Bills as has been directed to be issued by this Congress will require more time than the Members can possibly devote to that business, consistent with the attention due to the publick service:

Resolved, That the following gentlemen be appointed and fully authorized to sign the same, viz: Luke Morris, Samuel Meredith, Judah Foulke, Samuel Morris, Frederick Kuhl, Robert Strettle Jones, Thomas Coombe, Ellis Lewis, John Mease, Thomas Lawrence, Daniel Clymer, John Maxwell Nesbit, Thomas Barclay, John Bayard, William Craig, Thomas Bartow, Jun., John Shee, Isaac Hazlehurst, Robert Roberts, Anthony Morris, Mordecai Lewis, George Mifflin, Robert Tuckniss, Andrew Bunner, William Jackson, Joseph Sims, James Milligan, and James Reed.

That each of the Continental Bills be numbered and signed by two of the above gentlemen.

That each gentleman who signs the Continental Money be allowed and paid out of the Continental Treasury, one dollar and one third of a dollar for each and every thousand Bills signed and numbered by him.

That the gentlemen appointed to number and sign the Bills, do give their receipts for the same, expressing the number and denomination of them; and after numbering and signing them, shall deliver the same to the Continental Treasurers, taking their receipts for the Bills so delivered.

On motion, Resolved, That Mr. Samuel Adams, Mr. Lee, and Mr. J. Rutledge, with the Secretary, be a Committee to revise the Journal of the Congress, and prepare it for the press.

Adjourned till to-morrow, at eight o’clock.

Wednesday, July 26, 1775.

Met according to adjournment.

Agreeable to the Order of yesterday, the Congress resumed the consideration of the Report of the Committee on the Post-Office; which being debated by paragraphs, was agreed to, as follows:

That a Postmaster General be appointed for the United Colonies, who shall hold his office at Philadelphia, and shall be allowed a salary of one thousand Dollars per annum for himself, and three hundred and forty Dollars per annum for a Secretary and Comptroller; with power to appoint such and so many Deputies as to him may seem proper and necessary.

That a line of Posts be appointed under the direction of the Postmaster General, From Falmouth in New-England to Savannah in Georgia, with as many cross-posts as he shall think fit.

That the allowance to the Deputies in lieu of salary and all contingent expenses, shall be twenty per centum on the sums they collect and pay into the General Post-Office annually, when the whole is under or not exceeding one thousand Dollars; and ten per centum for all sums above one thousand Dollars a year.

That the rates of Postage shall be twenty per cent. less than those appointed by act of Parliament.

That the several Deputies account quarterly with the General Post-Office, and the Postmaster General annually with the Continental Treasurers, when he shall pay into the receipt of the said Treasures the profits of the Post-Office; and if the necessary expense of this establishment should exceed the produce of it, the deficiency shall be made good by the United Colonies, and paid to the Postmaster General by the Continental Treasurers.

On motion made, Resolved, That it be recommended to the Postmaster General to establish a weekly post to South-Carolina.