they will act as Brennius, the Gaul, did with the vanquished Romans—he viewed the tribute money exacted from them, and threw his sword in the opposite scale. But if these men must go, why must we have foreign troops for our defence? Why not raise the militia? They are our natural, our constitutional defence, and the raising them is practicable.

Captain Jephson observed, we have no reason to be so tender of the Americans, who had treated us ill; they had resolved in their Congress to receive no commodities from, nor have any commerce with Ireland; and this declaration not only set us at defiance, but fully proves they do not think us so infatuated as to take their parts.

Sir James Cotter asked whether the foreign troops, when they came here, were to be amenable to our laws or their own, and repeated the instance of the Hanoverian soldier at Maidstone.

Mr. Attorney-General answered, that all troops, foreigners as well as natives, were responsible to the laws of this country, as soon as they set foot therein.

Sir James Cotter replied, he was glad to find they were, yet he thought the measure very exceptionable. But if they did come, it would be better to pay them ourselves than not, especially as the expense was already provided for in the establishment.

Mr. Langrishe replied to the objections of sundry gentlemen, and observed that the saving on the military establishment was not the only advantage that would be derived from the foreign troops, but all their pay would be expended in this country, to the great advantage thereof.

Mr. Barry Barry was of opinion the men might be spared without their being replaced with foreign troops.

Mr. Redmond Morres observed, however we might be able to spare these men, yet it would be very improper to do so; and if the foreign troops did come, he hoped they would rather be quartered in the country than in Dublin, where the people would not be so contented with them.

Mr. Mason urged, that by the address of the House to His Majesty, it had expressed its sense that America was in rebellion. He observed, that agreeing to the first resolution did not bind them to agree to the second, though he was of opinion it was proper to agree to both.

Mr. Yelverton declared it was still his opinion, as it was at the opening of the session, that the resistance of the Americans was not rebellion. And how could he consent to aid the fate of America, which depended on the decision of that night? The question, indeed, was important, and decision very delicate. If we refuse His Majesty’s request, we incur the displeasure of Great Britain; if we comply, we aid the arbitrary designs of a despotick Ministry. In this dilemma, what can guide us? Nothing but reason and justice. We have two acts of Parliament, declaring that twelve thousand men are necessary for the defence of the Kingdom; and we have just resolved the same in the Committee of Supplies. Now, if we agree to part with a third part of that number, when there is no rebellion or invasion in Great Britain, we contradict these acts of the Legislature, and belie our own resolutions. Great Britain pretends to a supreme authority over all her dominions, as well in regard to internal taxation as to commercial regulations. Does not this assertion include Ireland? It certainly does, and nothing is wanting but a plausible pretext or a proper opportunity to enforce it. This has been enforced in America; this caused the war, and therefore the war is unjust. Let Great Britain enjoy the wealth of both the Indies. Let London be the grand emporium of Europe; let her exert her commercial power over the sea, from pole to pole; but let us say to it as to the sea, “hither thou shall come, and no farther.” If these bounds are exceeded, human nature will not submit without murmuring, nor freeborn British subjects without resistance. The changes have been long rung about taxation and representation; but men have bewildered themselves on that subject, for want of setting out on proper and legal grounds; representation is not a representation of persons, but of property. At first, writs were issued to all who held of the Crown in capite. These were about seven hundred and thirty in number, and sat in the right of their property, held in feudal tenure, and not by any election. As commerce increased, property was purchased, and extended into many hands. The property of seven hundred became disseminated amongst numbers too great to convene and sit in their own rights; those who possessed what was the property of one great Baron elected one or more of their own number to represent the whole of the property thus divided, and thence derived the right of representation. The case became the same in Cities and Corporations which held by capite from the Crown. The whole Corporation could not come to vote, therefore the Corporation elected its representatives. This proves how true that assertion was of Lord Chatham, “that every blade of grass in Great Britain was represented.” But not one American blade of grass is represented in the British Parliament, therefore it cannot be justly taxed there; and this shows the folly and absurdity of the so much talked of virtual representation, and saying that many thousands in Britain were not represented more than the Americans. Many English persons may not indeed, but the whole English landed property is. Englishmen surely did not lose their spirit as well as their rights by crossing the Atlantick. No! They did not; they carried thither their freeborn spirit, before it was contaminated with an influx of Asiatick wealth. From all this it appears, the war of Britain with her Colonies is unjust; nor is it likely it should succeed under the auspices of that Ministry who so unjustly raised it; for we see twelve Colonies united, who are different in situation, different in interests, different in religion, different in manners, different in every thing but spirit. What has been the success of the British arms against these people? We have seen the British Navy, the terror of the world, who used to carry thunder to every part of the globe, now sailing from one little island to another, for the glorious purpose of pilfering a few cattle. We have seen the British Troops pent up in Boston Neck; we have seen a Ministry plotting and purchasing counter addresses, to cover their disgrace, and sending troops abroad in the most dangerous season of the year, to encounter tempests which seem to have been raised by Providence, on purpose to prevent more from imbruing their hands in their brethren’s blood. But if even it was just to send our troops, and they were likely to succeed, yet it would be inexpedient; for if we should join to subdue resistance, would it not be a precedent against ourselves, if ever we should resist against a like oppression. Had we foreseen or been acquainted with this measure, and that we should have saved so much on the military establishment, before we had voted the Tontine scheme, we might have spared sixteen thousand Pounds; but it seems to have been kept in petto, till all the demanded supplies had been granted.

Captain Trench spoke next against the measure, and Mr. Prime Serjeant for it.

Mr. Foster said, the only point to be considered was, whether this measure would bring on a reconciliation, which he thought it would. It was clear that the wish of America was a total independence; and if we refuse to send these troops, we prevent a reconciliation, by hindering Great Britain from enforcing reasonable terms, which, if properly enforced, the Americans might agree to. But if we even agree to send these troops, we do not thereby condemn the Americans; we only assist Great Britain in her time of need. In regard to the supplies, though they are voted, the money bills are not passed, and gentlemen may make such retrenchments in them as they think necessary.

Mr. Chapman said, that he did not expect to hear such a message, after the many assurances of the Minister, that the twelve thousand men were completely in this Kingdom, and should remain so inviolably; and after the promises of Administration, that nothing should be expected from this country to America, but the address to the Throne. That notwithstanding the Committee of Supply had resolved twelve thousand men to be necessary for our defence, and had provided for them accordingly, yet, while the very sound of these assurances yet tingles in our ears, the Minister forgot himself in the messenger of the Crown, not to bring to h longing eyes the olive branch, the emblem of much wished for peace, but he lays his hand on his sword, and becomes the harbinger of war. That he congratulated Administration on at length finding out that hitherto invisible deity of theirs, but on closer inspection, he was sorry to discover that deity, like the god of the Egyptians, plainly and simply, a bull. That if the Minister was serious when he promised economy, he ought to