lessen the supply in proportion to that economy; to content himself with fewer taxes, and to diminish his demands. That he called on him to do so, but he found him silent on that point; and therefore must conclude no real economy was in his contemplation. That one year’s saving was the utmost that was mentioned. That such reduction was paltry indeed, contrasted with the probable loss of four thousand gallant countrymen, devoted sacrifices to appease the fury of an incensed, a despairing people, in defence of their rights, confident against the world in arms; that the tears of the forlorn widow, the cries of the helpless orphan, could not be weighed in the money scale of a Minister. That this Kingdom would be left exposed to every enemy, allured by such prospects. That the asking the consent of Parliament was a farce in politicks, and an undermining of a positive act of Parliament. That it was well known that the Crown always desired the consent of a dean and chapter to the appointment of an intended bishop, but it was never yet known that the person nominated did not succeed to the episcopal dignity.

Mr. Solicitor-General said, as the expense to be incurred was the chief argument used against the augmentation, so no gentleman, who voted then against it, can consistently oppose the measure by which the expense is taken away. He begged the first resolution might be disposed of before they entered into the consideration of the second; adding, that if we refused the request of the Crown, we should hurt the Americans, by misleading them to their ruin.

Mr. James Brown spoke in defence of the measure.

Mr. Conolly urged his fears for Ireland, from establishing a precedent, and mentioned that the King’s speech, at opening the British Parliament, declared the supremacy over all his dominions. He repeated and enforced what had been said about a land-tax laid on by England, and enforced by foreign mercenaries. He took notice of the intelligence an honourable gentleman (Mr. Gardiner) had derived of the hostile intentions of foreign powers, from the cabinets of foreign Courts. [Here Mr. Gardiner said the right honourable gentleman had mistaken him; he had only said courts, not cabinets.] Mr. Conolly replied, he had indeed mistaken, but the mistake was easily made, as he knew no gentleman more fit for a lady’s or a Privy Counsellor’s cabinet than the honourable gentleman.

Mr. Hussey Burgh then rose, and introduced his opinion relative to the question with observing, that although he had generally voted on that side of the House which is called Opposition, yet he had set it down as a maxim, never to give his support to a motion which was calculated to harass the Minister, and not to serve the people. That when there was a considerable majority evident on the part of Government, he thought it best not to hazard a question which there was a certainty of losing; that he made, for this reason, fewer motions than any man in the House; that he had no enemies to persecute, no partisans to serve; and that this might account for his silence during the present session. But he said the present question was of the greatest importance, a question arising from a message sent by the King to his Parliament, to which an answer must be given; that, without passion, without prejudice, and without fear, he would deliver his opinion; and that the man did not live, who knew on which side of the question that opinion would turn. He then entered largely into the consequences which might attend the putting this measure into execution; took a short view of the American war, which he termed unjust, as it not only militated against the law of nations, the law of the land, the law of humanity, but against the law of nature. He mentioned the imbruing our hands in the blood of our kinsmen and near relations; and that the saving, which was mentioned as a motive to induce our supporting the Ministry, was no more than a bribe to purchase our assistance to cut the throats of the Americans; that if the war was just, there was no necessity to bribe our concurrence; that the right of taxation demanded by Great Britain was unjust, for that it was contrary to all reason that a people who are the subjects of Great Britain should, in respect to their property, be at the mercy of two powers, and acknowledge a right of taxation both in their own Assemblies and in the British Senate; that if this was the case, they could not boast any property, for every shilling they enjoyed might by one act of a Parliament, in which they were not represented, be taken from them forever; that instead of a saving, this measure would in all probability become a burden, and observed our civil establishment would always increase whenever the military decreased; and that the present saving would be only a temporary relief, which would bring on a future evil; for that when our own troops returned, then our military would fall back into the original expense, with the additional burden of what the civil establishment may have increased. He then mentioned our defenceless state, and insisted that we had not more than nine thousand fighting men, men who marched on their legs, and not on paper; men who could stand fire, and not calculation. He disposed very judiciously the arrangement of our troops, and clearly proved that we must be open to the insurrection of the White Boys in the South, and the Steel Boys in the North; and that then the murdering and maiming of our wives and children would fall on our own heads. That France looked on this quarrel with a peculiar pleasure, and that we had a security in their promises no longer than the hopes of accommodation with the Colonies existed; for whenever they disappeared, and that by this war we were weakened, then it was possible and probable, with a very small force, they would do such a signal mischief to this Kingdom as might be irreparable. He took a view of the commercial interest of France with America, and mentioned how probable it was they would sacrifice their friendship to England for a lucrative connection with America, and pictured the consequences in striking figures of reasoning. He mentioned the disturbances which might arise from the importation of these foreign troops, and asked by what laws they were to be tried for offences in this Kingdom? Whether they were to be subject to a jury of this country, or to a court-martial among themselves? And if the latter, what dreadful consequences might follow! He then returned to the justice on which this request was founded, and said such was his opinion of it, he would not vote a single sword against America, without an address to accompany it, recommending conciliatory measures; that he foresaw the consequences of this war; and that if the Ministry were victorious, it would only be establishing a right to the harvest, when they had burned the grain; it would be only establishing a right to the stream, when they had cut off the fountain.

Sir John Blaquiere said he was totally ignorant of this measure when the session opened; that it would have been wrong to have deducted the saving from the votes of supplies, before it was known whether the troops would be sent or not; that if the supplies are raised, and there is a redundancy on account of this measure, it would be liable to the disposal of Parliament next sessions.

The question was then put on the first Resolution, and the Committee divided, ayes 121, noes 76; majority 45.

It being then near midnight, the consideration of the second Resolution was adjourned till Monday.

Monday, November 27, 1775.

The Committee of the Whole House accordingly sat again this day, the Right Hon. Anthony Malone in the chair; when the second of the Resolutions proposed last Saturday, by Sir Archibald Acheson, to wit: “That it is the opinion of this Committee, that a number of foreign Protestant Troops, not exceeding four thousand, be received into this Kingdom, to replace the like number going abroad, for the security and defence thereof, provided they shall be of no charge to the nation,” was read, a long debate ensued, in the beginning of which Sir John Blaquiere declared, that he was of opinion his taking a part in this business would not be treating His Majesty’s message with that respect it deserved; he would not give his voice one way or other.

The resolution was supported by the Attorney-General, General Cunningham, Mr. Forster, Colonel Burton, and Barry Barry, whose arguments tended to prove that in the arrangement offered them by His Majesty, the sum of eighty-five thousand Pounds per annum would be saved to the nation, besides the pay of the foreign troops sent among us; that the Hessian and Brunswick forces were composed of industrious, docile men, most of them manufacturers; that many of them would probably settle in this Kingdom,