whilst we acknowledge this to be the consequence of the difference of intention which prevailed here and in America, we are penetrated with a just sense of the motives which have regulated your Majesty’s endeavours to prevent, if it had been possible, the effusion of the blood of our fellow-subjects, and the calamities which are inseparable from a state of war; but since the rebellion is now become more general, and manifests the purpose of establishing and maintaining an independent empire, we cannot but applaud your Majesty’s resolution to vindicate the rights, the interests, and the honour of this kingdom, by a speedy and most decisive exertion; and for this purpose we think it our indispensable duty to declare that we will support your Majesty with our lives and fortunes. And being fully persuaded that, in the present state of these disorders, the most active will, in its effects, be the most merciful mode of proceeding, we hear with pleasure that your Majesty has increased your naval establishment, and also greatly augmented your land forces. We are sensible of your Majesty’s kind consideration in having done it in such a manner as may be the least burdensome to your kingdoms; and your Majesty may be assured that we shall cheerfully concur in whatever may be necessary to enable your Majesty to profit of the friendly dispositions of foreign powers.

“We are deeply impressed by the gracious motives which induced your Majesty to send a part of your Electoral troops to the garrisons of Gibraltar and Port-Mahon, by which assistance this country will be enabled to employ a larger number of its own established forces, in the maintenance of its authority. And we return your Majesty our sincerest thanks for having so providently pointed out to us a further resource in that national body of men, so constitutional in their nature and so zealous in their duty—the Militia of this kingdom.

“We cannot sufficiently admire your Majesty’s benevolent declaration, that when the wished-for period arrives, that the unhappy and deluded multitude, against whom this force will be directed, shall become sensible of their error, your Majesty will receive the misled with tenderness and mercy. And we are fully sensible of the wise and compassionate sentiment which has determined your Majesty to delegate authority to certain persons upon the spot, to grant general or particular pardons and indemnities in such manner and to such persons as they shall think fit, and to receive the submission of any Province or Colony which shall be disposed to return to its allegiance; and we will most readily concur in granting to the persons, so commissioned, such further powers as may best tend to promote and effectuate your Majesty’s salutary measures.

“Permit us, sir, to offer our grateful acknowledgments to your Majesty for the full and explicit communication which your Majesty has been pleased to make to us, and, at the same time, to express the just sense we entertain of the numerous blessings we enjoy, flowing from the source of never-ceasing attention with which your Majesty is occupied, for the safety and happiness of all your people. And we beg leave to assure your Majesty, that we participate in the same desire which animates your royal breast, and feel no other wish than to re-establish order and tranquillity through the several parts of your dominions, upon the basis of a close connection with, and constitutional dependance upon, Great Britain.”

Which Address, being read by the Clerk, was agreed to by the House.

Ordered, That the said Address be presented to his Majesty by the whole House.

Ordered, That the Lords with White Staves do wait on his Majesty, humbly to know what time his Majesty will please to appoint to be attended therewith.

Monday, October 30, 1775.

The Lord Chancellor reported: That the House did, on Thursday last, present their Address to his Majesty, to which his Majesty was pleased to return the following most gracious Answer, viz:

“MY LORDS: I receive with the most sensible satisfaction this Address, so fully expressive of your duty and loyalty to me. Nothing can be more acceptable than the assurances you give of your utmost support to enable me to re-establish order and tranquillity throughout all my dominions; and I shall most heartily concur with any measures that may tend to so salutary a purpose.”

Ordered, That the said Address, together with his Majesty’s most gracious Answer thereto, be forthwith printed and published.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.

Thursday, October 26, 1775.

A Message from his Majesty, by Sir Francis Molyneux, Gentleman Usher of the Black Rod:

Mr. SPEAKER: The King commands this honourable House to attend his Majesty, immediately, in the House of Peers.

Accordingly, Mr. Speaker, with the House, went up to attend his Majesty.

And being returned,

Mr. Speaker reported, That the House had attended his Majesty in the House of Peers; where his Majesty was pleased to make a most gracious speech from the throne to both Houses of Parliament; of which, Mr. Speaker said, he had, to prevent mistakes, obtained a copy; which he read to the House.

Mr. Acland said: Sir, when I consider the importance of the subject brought under our consideration by the Speech from the Throne, that on our firmness or indecision the future fate of the British empire, and of ages yet unborn, will depend; when I behold the eyes of all Europe fixed on the temper and first proceedings of this assembly, I cannot rise without feeling the inferiority of my own abilities, and dreading to sink under a burden I find myself almost unequal to bear; but if the kind indulgence of this House will support me, I will beg its attention but for a few moments, and then conclude with moving a dutiful Address to the king.

Reflecting, sir, on the present situation of America, so greatly altered since our last meeting; when I see her rising, from her subordinate relation to this country, to the undisguised assertion of independence and empire; when I attempt to deduce the consequences, that will thence flow, not only to this country but to all Europe. I confess I stand amazed at the extent of the object. But, sir, however awful the situation of publick affairs may be, I hold it to be the first duty of a great national assembly, deliberating on a great national concern, not to despair of the republick; for whoever, sir, attentively examines the spirit of opposition that has been so long fomenting in America, whoever traces its course from its origin to its present enormous height, through all the various appearances under which artifice, passion and interest have alternately disguised it, must admit, as I do, that the reducing America to a just obedience to this country is not without its difficulties; but he will conclude with me, too, that where the interests of a great people are concerned, difficulties must be overcome, not yielded to Nor are the difficulties superior to the strength of the nation that has to encounter them. Recollect the strength, the resources, and, above all, the spirit of the British nation, which, when roused, knows no opposition; let me remind you of those extensive and successful wars that this country has carried on before the continent of America was known; let me turn your attention to that period when you defended this very people from the attacks of the most powerful and valiant nation in Europe, when your armies gave law, and your fleets rode triumphant on every coast. Shall we be told, then, that this people, whose greatness is the work of our hands, and whose insolence arises from our divisions; who have mistaken the lenity of this country for its weakness, and the reluctance to punish, for a want of power to vindicate the violated rights of British subjects; shall we be told that such a people can resist the powerful efforts of this nation?

The steps hitherto taken by Parliament have been marked by forbearance and moderation; for though it was well known that parts of America had been labouring to throw off the authority of this country, yet so unwilling was Parliament to exert its arms, that during the last session it continued to proceed by the coercion of civil power, trusting that the infatuation of the Americans would at last, cease, and the sword might remain peaceful within its scabbard: but the Americans reasoned differently; they took advantage of our inclination to peace to prepare themselves for