war; and though It was contended at our last meeting that New-England was not then in a state of rebellion, it cannot now be contended that America is not in a state of war. From the very beginning of this quarrel the point in dispute between us has been perpetually fluctuating; and whatever the original contest might be, it is now lost in a contest for independence and empire. That the Americans have been long contending for independence, I believe I am not the only gentleman in the House who is firmly persuaded; but now they hold a higher tone; presuming on a supposed invincibility of strength, they speak a clearer language.

The Congress, in their observations on the conciliatory plan offered by Parliament last year, triumphantly demand, “What right Britain has to interfere with her Government, since she does not interfere with that of Britain?” Is not this the language of an independent State? It is a language that might well become France or Spain, but which cannot be reconciled to any idea of obedience from a Colony to a mother country. In the private intercepted correspondence of their leaders, we find them boasting “of their labours in modelling a new government; raising, clothing and subsisting a large army, creating a marine, and founding an extensive empire.” But their actions still more loudly declare their intentions than their professions: they have raised an army, they are creating a marine, and the Continental Congress, under the assumed power of its own self-created assembly, have issued bills on Continental credit; they have made war, too, in all its forms, on the people of whom they would wish to be independent.

The question is now, therefore, reduced into a very short compass: Do gentlemen choose to acquiesce in the independence of America, or to enforce their submission to this country by vigorous measures? We shall be told, perhaps, not only of the difficulties of such an enterprise, but of the few advantages we can draw from a country reduced by the calamities of war: but this argument has little weight with any one who considers that the same force which is sufficient to subdue the disobedient spirit of America is also sufficient, and will be exerted, to repair her losses and alleviate her calamities. How soon were the mischiefs of the last war repaired! How soon was commerce restored, and industry reanimated in all parts of the world! But, admitting this argument in its full force; admitting that America is regained, weakened and exhausted by the unnatural struggle: compare this situation with that of American independence; compare it with the perpetual loss of those exclusive advantages you have hitherto enjoyed in her trade; consider, too, that the moment America is independent, she becomes the arbiter of your West-Indian trade, and a dangerous rival in many of the other branches of British commerce; from that moment, the North-American merchant becomes the rival of the British merchant in every part of Europe, Asia, and Africa, whilst the European, Asiatick, and African merchant will be received as favourably as the British through the whole American continent: and I must maintain, that it would have been better for this country that America had never been known, than that a great consolidated American empire should exist independent of Britain.

Would gentlemen, not mutually reproaching each other for what has or has not been done, without passion and without prejudice, consider what the exigency of affairs requires now to be done, they will perceive, whatever its origin might be, to such a height is this dispute now run, that no measures can be proposed that the Americans, confident in their own strength, would now accept, that would not terminate in real though perhaps not in nominal independence; as, therefore, there is now no medium left between their submission and their independence, those who think it for the advantage of this country that America should be reduced to a due submission to its Legislature, will, of course, strengthen the hands of the executive power for that constitutional purpose; those, if there are any such, who wish to see America independent, may live to lament the consequences of their misjudged partiality to that country, fatal to the interests of this, which ought to be, and I trust will be, the first and dearest object to the representatives of British freeholders.

The honourable gentleman then moved, “That an humble Address be presented to his Majesty, to return his Majesty the thanks of this House for his most gracious Speech from the Throne.

“To assure his Majesty that we have long lamented the condition of our unhappy fellow-subjects in America. Seduced from their allegiance by the grossest misrepresentations, and the most wicked and insidious pretences, they have been made the instruments of the ambition and traitorous designs of those dangerous men who have led them, step by step, to the standard of rebellion; and who have now assumed the powers of sovereign authority, which they exercise in the most despotick and arbitrary manner, over the persons and properties of this deluded people.

“To declare that his Majesty’s faithful Commons took a sincere part in his Majesty’s benevolent and paternal desire rather to reclaim than to subdue the most refractory of his Colonies; and that, excited by his Majesty’s great example, we were anxious to prevent, if it had been possible, the effusion of the blood of our fellow-subjects, and the calamities which are inseparable from a state of war; we still hoped that his Majesty’s people in America would have discerned the traitorous views of their leaders; would have considered how ruinous even their success must be to themselves, and been convinced that constitutional subjection to Great Britain is the freest and happiest condition of any civil society in the known world. But we now see with indignation that no other use has been made of the moderation and forbearance of his Majesty and his Parliament but to strengthen the preparations of this desperate conspiracy; and that the rebellious war now levied is become more general, and manifestly carried on for the purpose of establishing an independent empire.

“To assure his Majesty that we entirely concur with his Majesty in thinking it is now become the part of wisdom and (in its effects) of clemency, to put a speedy end to these disorders, by the most decisive exertions; and that we learn with the greatest satisfaction, that, for this purpose, his Majesty has increased his naval establishment and greatly augmented his land forces, in such a manner as may be the least burdensome to his kingdoms; and that we will cheerfully and effectually enable his Majesty, when the occasion shall require it, to avail himself of the friendly offers which his Majesty has received of foreign assistance; that we thankfully acknowledge the gracious considerations which induced his Majesty to send a part of his Electoral troops to the garrisons of Gibraltar and Port-Mahon, in order that a larger number of the established forces of this kingdom might be applied to the maintenance of its authority; and that we are bound in duty to return his Majesty our particular thanks for pointing out to us, from the throne, the constitutional resources of our well-modelled and well-regulated national Militia, which, upon every great emergency, cannot fail of affording security to his Majesty’s realms, and of giving, at the same time, extent and activity to his military operations.

“To assure his Majesty that we hear with the highest satisfaction and gratitude the affectionate declaration of the father of his people, that when the unhappy and deluded multitude, against whom this force will be directed, shall become sensible of their error, his Majesty will be ready to receive the misled with tenderness and mercy; and that his Majesty’s gracious communication of his intention to give authority to certain persons on the spot to grant general and particular pardons and indemnities, in such manner and to such persons as they shall think fit; and to receive the submission of any Province or Colony which may be disposed to return to its allegiance, demands our warmest acknowledgments; and that we shall be ready to give our concurrence to such measures as may best contribute to carry his Majesty’s wise and humane intention into execution.

“To declare that every motive and every interest that can animate the hearts of loyal subjects, call upon his faithful Commons to grant his Majesty such support as the circumstances and exigency of affairs may require; and being fully convinced that the security of every benefit and advantage derived to the commerce, manufactures, and the navigation of his Majesty’s kingdoms, from the American Colonies, must ever depend on their being held in that due subordination to the Legislature of Great Britain in which the Constitution has placed them; we would be wanting in the duty which we owe to our Constitution, ourselves, and our posterity, if we did not engage, with our lives and our fortunes, to support this great and important cause, in which