extremity by following Mr. Hutchinson’s advice in abridging their liberties, which is as much a part of their birthright as of any man living and born in England? The nature of Government will not allow us to define what are the precise points where resistance may be made to the governing powers. But will any man conclude from thence that acts of King, Lords and Commons, ought not to be resisted, if they should sap the fundamental principles of the Constitution? Nothing but the general feeling of the community can determine the point. And was ever the sense of a people so unanimous on any subject? I declare, upon my honour, I have not conversed with one man from America (and I have chiefly sought out the friends of Administration) who have not universally agreed, that all America is unanimous in resisting the power of taxing them by the British Parliament where they have no representatives; that they will never yield this point; that in case they were made easy on this point, and secure as to their charters, on which their property depends, they would immediately return to their duty and obedience. This I aver to be the universal report and opinion of all men with whom I have conversed from America. If any one disputes the truth of my assertions, I now defy him to bring any evidence to contradict me, and I now undertake to bring men of the best characters in support of what I aver. But respecting general opinion, I still go further: I maintain that the sense of the best and wisest men in this country are on the side of the Americans; that three to one in Ireland are on their side; that the soldiers and sailors feel an unwillingness to the service; that you never will find the same exertions of spirit in this as in other wars. I speak it to the credit of the fleet and army; they do not like to butcher men whom the greatest characters in this country consider as contending in the glorious cause of preserving those institutions which are necessary to the happiness, security, and elevation of the human mind. I am well informed, that four field officers in the four regiments now going from Ireland, have desired leave to retire or sell out. I do not mean to say, that the soldiers or sailors in America have shown any signs of cowardice; this is below their spirit: I only assert that they in general proclaim it a disagreeable service; most of the army feel it as such. That numbers have not deserted is owing to their situation. There is a wide difference between the English officer or soldier who barely does his duty, and the general exertions of the New-England army, where every man is thinking what further service he can perform; where every soldier is a Scævola. To a mind who loves to contemplate the glorious spirit of freedom, no spectacle can be more affecting than the action at Bunker’s Hill. To see an irregular peasantry, commanded by a physician, inferior in number, opposed by every circumstance of cannon and bombs that could terrify timid minds, calmly waiting the attack of the gallant Howe, leading on the best troops in the world, with an excellent train of artillery, and twice repulsing those very troops who had often chased the chosen battalions of France, and at last retiring for want of ammunition, but in so respectable a manner that they were not even pursued,—who can reflect on such scenes, and not adore the Constitution of Government which could breed such men! Who will not pause and examine, before he destroys institutions that have reared such elevated spirits! Who is there that can dismiss all doubts on the justice of a cause which can inspire such conscious rectitude? The conduct of the people of New-England for wisdom, courage, temperance, fortitude, and all those qualities that can command the admiration of noble minds, is not surpassed in the history of any nation under the sun. Instead of wreaking our vengeance against that Colony, their heroism alone should plead their forgiveness. What my worthy friend (Mr. Burke) said last year of their industry, may now be applied to their warlike achievements. Consider the power of such materials in the hands of a Minister who knew how to encourage their industry, and apply their courage to the purposes of national defence. But all the secret of our Colony Government is now reduced to mere force, the baneful engine of destructive despotism; nevertheless it is with pleasure I perceive the force of this country, when wielded in such a cause, is totally inadequate; your own army is not sufficient; your illegal application for foreign mercenaries at the beginning of the contest sufficiently shows your weakness; your navy is equally incapable of effecting the purposes which are expected from it. It may ruin their foreign trade; it may destroy some of their towns, (though that is doubtful;) but the lying in their rivers, as some suppose, without a superior military force to protect them on shore; I say, as a sea officer, if the war is thoroughly kindled, the thing is impossible. We are apt to judge from what happened at Quebeck, where the French, never remarkable for naval enterprise, though naturally brave, quitted their fire-raft, and left it to the chance of the stream, or to be towed off by boats; but this I maintain, that any fleet lying in a river where they cannot command the shore, that such fleet is liable to be burned if the people are willing in that enterprise to run the same risk of life and danger to which the crew of the ships are exposed—I mean by sticking by the fire-vessel, whatever she may be, till with wind and stream they lay the enemy athwart hause; and who can doubt that the people in America are capable of such exertions of courage, when we see them refuse quarter, when we find them devoting themselves to death with such enthusiasm? Another circumstance respecting ships is not generally known. The wonders they have hitherto performed has been owing to the ignorance of engineers in placing their batteries; but I am afraid the secret is now out as to their power against the shore, without a military force to assist them. A single gun in a retired situation, or on an eminence, or a single howitzer, will dislodge a first-rate man-of-war, and may burn her, to add to the disgrace. I speak this publickly, that you may not expect more from the sea service than it is capable to perform. Ruin their trade you certainly may, but at an expense as ruinous to this country. Has any of the Ministry considered the immense expense of such naval armaments on the coast of America, in transports and ships-of-war? Have we calculated the chance of destruction by those horrid streams of wind peculiar to that coast, that sometimes sweep all before them?

Where are the resources on which this country can depend in case our empire in America is lost? I do not say you will feel the disadvantage immediately; I know the various channels to which commerce and industry may divert their streams; I am also certain that the wants of America must be supplied in some way or other with certain goods from Great Britain; I further know, that a nation can only trade to the extent of its capital, and in case one vent is cut off, it will probably find another, while its manufactures are cheaper and better than those of other nations. I believe such to be the case with many branches of our manufacture at present; but is it possible it can long continue? Must not the same laws of nature follow this commercial country that has affected Venice and Genoa, the Hanse Towns, and other commercial States? The acquirement of wealth must produce dearness in living; dearness of living must produce dear-ness of labour; dearness of labour must produce dearness of manufactures; dearness of manufactures must conduct trade to some place where cheapness of living will give the preference in the markets. Thus the circle of commerce has hitherto run: but the settlement of North America, under the old establishment, seemed to defy the powers of these fleeting principles. America was bound to take your manufactures only, to whatever price they might rise; you were bound to take most of her raw materials, and to give her commerce protection; a complete system in the exchange of all commodities was established within your own dominion, which might last beyond the views of human calculation, if properly conducted. This is the great purpose to which I look up to America as a naval and as a commercial power. How often have I indulged myself in these thoughts, unable to see the end of our glory from the same causes which have destroyed other States, little dreaming that one infatuated Minister could tempt, seduce, and persuade a whole nation to cut the strings of such harmony. The honourable gentleman who opened the debate has remarked how we recovered from the interruptions of our commerce during the last war. The honourable gentleman forgets that we had the free and uninterrupted resources of America during the last war; that in seizing the ships of our enemies we added to the national wealth and increased our own commerce; the progress was double, here it runs in an inverse proportion, no man knows the final effects as yet; like the bursting of a burning mountain, it is sport and play to the distant spectators who think themselves safe, but the eruption may spread to cover this city in ruin.