I come now to consider the consequence of all those measures, supposing we should succeed. If national strength is to be calculated from the fitness of every part to preserve and improve the advantages of their Constitution, and to support their country in pursuit of its objects; if institutions that secure property and prevent oppression, encourage the settlement of families, and facilitate the rearing of children, are the most favourable to mankind, and therefore to be protected and preferred, (as the best writer on Government has asserted,) surely the establishments of the English Colonies, as excelling all others which have appeared in the history of the world, deserve to be revered in this respect. But a success in the present war, after destroying all the principles which have produced those glorious effects in civil society, must leave the country desolate, must spread through that wide dominion, forfeitures, executions, change of property, military oppression, and every misery that can engender hatred and distract mankind. But these are but temporary evils, in comparison to the last dreadful catastrophe. It must establish a military despotism in the Colonies, which the revenues of an oppressed people never can pay; an army that the men of this country can never supply, which, therefore, foreign mercenaries must fill; and all this with additional powers in the Crown, that must end in the subversion of the Constitution. I make no doubt many men labour in the support of this business, purposely to effect that end. The contentions in a free Government do not accord with their feeble, corrupt, luxurious dispositions. That the spirit of the people should so long lie deceived by their arts and management, is to me astonishing. I shall wait patiently some further calamity, for no reasoning on the certain progress of things in a growing empire can affect their narrow minds. That this may soon happen in a small degree, as the only means of saving the dissolution of the whole, I sincerely wish, for the good of the publick. Misfortunes, if duly watched, are oftentimes as profitable to an unfeeling multitude as they are useful to private individuals. But let those who now encourage measures that must inevitably end in such dreadful calamities, beware of the turn of the tide. Let them look into history, and remember the fate of cruel, oppressive and arrogant statesmen. Let even Kings attend to the examples which history presents on this subject—but I blame not them; it is unnatural for beings, with human passions, placed in such high situations, mixing little with men, and generally deceived, to bear contradiction to their will, and opposition even to their arms, with any degree of patience: irritation and resentment must be the consequences; encroachments on their part often proceed from a conscious rectitude of their own intentions: but the people I do blame are the members of this House, placed as the guardians of the people’s rights and privileges, daily sacrificing them to some interested motive. Let any one consider all the national advantages that can be drawn from Colonies, and ask his own heart if we have not hitherto drawn, and may not in time to come draw all these from the ancient Constitution. To what motive, then, can these innovations be imputed? I have showed you the bad consequences in proceeding; show me the good you propose from slaughter and devastation. That, the paymaster of the forces should urge you to those measures; that the treasurer of the navy should press for large equipments; that contractors, jobbers, dealers in scrip, and all those who fatten on publick supplies, should eagerly concur, this I can easily imagine; but that a landed gentleman should give his consent to rush into a civil war, that must entail four shillings land-tax on his estate for ever, that must drain him of men and money, and all the resources of naval power, to protect his country against those neighbouring powers who will, in all human probability, attack him when defenceless and exhausted; in a contest that must end, on whatever alternative, in lowering the value of his estate: all this exhibits a degree of infatuation beyond example in my little reading, and can only be accounted for from the revival of ignoble party-distinctions, gratifying resentments at the expense of their country. Have the country gentlemen ever considered the expense of maintaining a war across the Atlantick? Have they considered the expenses of a fleet? Have they calculated the amount of transports? Have they thought of feeding an army with porter, sheep, and sour-crout, across a tempestuous ocean? I am told a curious spectacle of such management has lately been exhibited in the Downs, where floating carcasses of dead sheep have marked to passing nations the folly of such attempts. The project of sour-crout has, indeed, one circumstance attending it that gives me pleasure—I understand the contract is given to one of the worthiest men in the community; at the same time such magazines are new in my notions of war; it may be a proper preparation for a Russian army, but I believe English soldiers will hardly be delighted with such griping food. The project of calcining ice into gunpowder is not more truly ridiculous!

I shall suppose, then, for a moment, that war with America is really necessary; yet, will any man allege, after such gross mismanagement in every part, that these are the proper men to carry it on? Has there been consistency in any part of their conduct? Has one scheme they have offered succeeded? Has not every one produced a contrary effect? Have they not been told so at the time of passing their various laws? Have they been checked in any of their intentions? Has any uncommon accident of wind or weather been unfavourable? Can our affairs be possibly in a worse situation? Do they state any rational plan of ways and means, by which we are to extricate ourselves? If, after answering all those questions in the spirit of truth and justice, this House will still persist in supporting such feeble Ministers of so mighty an empire, I must submit to a majority, but with this melancholy consolation: when the day of tribulation shall come, that at least my feeble endeavours were not wanting to prevent the impending mischiefs; nor has my voice been lent on any occasion in support of oppression. Other gentlemen, of a contrary opinion to me, have declared they give their opinion for more coercive measures, from motives the most pure and disinterested: I declare I give my opinion against them from the sincerest belief they are oppressive and unjust. I am now at an age when my character must be fully known. A conduct in life that has not flattered the passions of men must have frequently called forth the examination of many with keen resentments; but I here defy any man to say I was ever actuated by interested motives during the course of my life. My conduct at present is influenced from a conscientious belief that the greatest good any man can perform is to preserve institutions favourable to the freedom of mankind; the greatest evil they can commit is to destroy them. In that belief I heartily vote for the amendment, and to the utmost of my power oppose this sanguinary Address.

Mr. Rice said generally, that the conquest of America was a popular measure in England.

Lord Stanley rose, in the name of the freeholders of Lancashire, to avow the addresses from Manchester, &c., which he was well persuaded was the sense of the freeholders at large.

Mr. Temple Luttrell. Sir, we might reasonably suppose that the Ministers who had a hand in fabricating this voluminous speech would be impatient to obtain our approbation and thanks, as representatives of the community in general, in the name of the people of Great Britain, who are our actual constituents; in the name of the people of America, who, as they tell us, are our virtual constituents. Those evil counsellors who have so long poisoned the ear of the Sovereign, would now make us believe they have perverted his principles also; they wish us to consider the Speech before you as conveying his Majesty’s own sentiments. Sir, we know that to be impossible. Our King is too humane, and, besides, too well acquainted with the history of this country and its Constitution, with the memoirs of the Stuart race, and of his own illustrious House, to imbibe the despotick doctrines here imputed to him. His Majesty knows, that whenever either of the three estates of this empire, or the whole in conspiracy together, shall arrogate power to which they are incompetent—such as infringing the original rights and liberties of the people in any part of the British dominions—it is the exertion of such power, not the resistance to it, which constitutes rebellion. If this be-not the case, the glorious Revolution was, above all rebellions upon record, the most atrocious.

We, who are the deputies of the people, assembled together from the different counties, cities, and boroughs of the kingdom, ought faithfully to impart to his Majesty the real wishes and dispositions of his subjects. As the first counsellors of the Crown, it is our peculiar province to advise and direct his Majesty on every national emergency like