the exchequer; yet these duties have never been complained of by America. But the chief act, on which the greatest stress may be laid as to this point, and which I call on the gentlemen on the other side particularly to attend to, is the 6 George II, c. 13. Here, exactly as in the case of the present tea-duty, we “give and grant” a duty on foreign rum imported into the Colonies; we order an “entry,” and that the “rate shall be paid in money before landing.” Thus, then, America has submitted to internal taxation and legislation, both as to the right and the mode; and, as America has submitted to the law of Parliament in former instances, I am for enforcing obedience to the present law. Those gentlemen who suspect me of tyranny, know little of my disposition. But it has been said by some gentlemen, that foreign States accuse us of being engaged in a silly measure. All the answer I shall give such foreign State is, to mind its own business. If France says so, I should ask, where is the policy of the Corsican expedition? If Spain, what it thought of the coast of Barbary? Each State has enough to do at home; and if each private member of this House would employ himself in assisting the publick, instead of stating to the House private grievances, Great Britain would reap the advantage.

Mr. Dunning insisted, that the Bill of Rights was only declaratory of rights existing prior to that act, that therefore the people were not to confine their claims to the literal words of it, but to recur to the great principles upon which that declaration was made.

Mr. James Grenville deplored the state of our national affairs, and was convinced, he said, that nothing but misfortune could be the consequences. Let the Administration, said he, call the Pope from Rome, the Mufti from Constantinople, and the High Priest from the Synagogue, to their aid; let them put the assassinating knife in the hands of the slaves, and teach them to butcher their masters; yet still the event will be ruinous to this nation. Suppose America conquered, its towns destroyed, its fields laid waste: we must still keep up a large standing army to support our triumph. But can we make them, in such a state, raise money sufficient to pay for their own chains? Can we make them build up their shattered cities by force? He concluded by showing, with much feeling and propriety, that he did not mean to throw any reflection upon the conduct of his late relation, Mr. George Grenville, with regard to America.

Mr. William Adam showed that the Americans would proceed to independence, if successful, and that it was therefore absolutely necessary to reduce them. He entered into the practicability of the measure, by showing that no settled form of Government being established in America, all must be anarchy and confusion there, and that all ought to be regularity and order at home. He took notice of the comparisons which had been made between our situation and that of Spain, with regard to the revolt of the United Provinces, and said the cases were not parallel. He then attacked the conduct of the Opposition, but said at the same time, that he could not approve of that of the Ministry. He described the operations of the last year as very inactive; found fault with the conciliatory proposition, and called upon the noble Lord at the head of Administration to act with vigour. He praised Lord North in the strongest terms for his ability and publick virtue, but accused him of indolence, the greatest fault a Minister could be guilty of at this critical juncture! He told him the time for action was not yet over, but that it might soon pass away; begged him therefore to rouse himself, and to act with the ability he possessed. He described the inactive campaign of last summer in very strong colours; accused him for allowing the Congress to meet; asked if those neglects were like the conduct of a great Minister—like the conduct of that man, who had seized the helm in a storm, and was not to quit it, though it should blow a hurricane? From the spirited address of this day, he hoped for a more vigorous conduct, and trusted that the noble Lord would not allow it to go down to posterity, that from his inactivity, and not want of abilities, he had lost Great Britain her American Colonies. Then begging pardon of the noble Lord, he assured him and the House that he had not said these things from any licentious spirit of railing, but from a sincere love for this country, and a desire of preserving its greatness.

Lord North thanked the honourable gentleman for the ability, candour, and manliness with which he had attacked him; said he was always ready to listen to any stricture upon his conduct, even when it came from malice; but when it flowed from so pure a motive, so sincere a love for his country, as he was sure that honourable gentleman possessed, it could not fail of having the strongest effect. He pledged himself to the House, that he would proceed with vigour and activity. He confessed that indolence of temper which the honourable gentleman (Mr. Adam) had noticed, and that dislike to business, but declared that be was forced into the post that he now held; that stormy and tempestuous as the ocean is through which he has to steer, he would never of his own accord abandon it till the storm had subsided. He acknowledged he had been deceived in events, but that he had adapted his measures last session to the then state of affairs, not imagining that all America would have armed in the cause. Administration had proceeded upon the information they had received : if gentlemen were in possession of better information, why did they not communicate it? He said, that when he adopted the necessary plan of sending Hanoverians to Gibraltar and Port-Mahon, he had not a doubt of the legality of the measure; that if it was dreaded as a precedent, he should have no objection to a bill of indemnity. If he had waited for the meeting of Parliament, our troops in Gibraltar and Port-Mahon could not be brought into the field time enough to have admitted of an early and vigorous exertion of our forces against the Rebels. That if we suffered by the war, America would suffer much more.

He answered Mr. Adam’s objection to his conciliatory plan; said it was the measure that had put us on a proper footing with regard to America; that now they had refused it, their intentions were easily seen, and every exertion of force was justifiable till such time as they should again become obedient to this Government; that nothing should be wanting on his part to bring them back to a just subordination; that now it was impossible to treat with them, until once brought back to a due obedience; that there was no intention to oppress them, but to establish in America the most just, mild, and equitable Government. He had as great a veneration for liberty as any man in the House; and he hoped the Americans were too brave and worthy of their ancestors, to hesitate a moment in their choice between slavery or war; but in the present instance, there was no question of slavery. Their friends have said that they only wished to be put on the same footing on which they were in 1763. He wished to God, if it were possible, to put the Colonies on that same footing. Surely America would not, without money, without trade, without resources, continue to prefer a ruinous war with Great Britain to the blessings of peace, and a happy dependance upon her. He concluded with giving a pathetick description of his own situation under the weight of Government, though surrounded with all the power and pageantry of Administration; but said that in spite of all this he should consider himself as infinitely happy, if, in the last moments of a life spent in the service of his country, he could say he had done anything for the support of a Constitution he loved and admired, and of the best laws that ever were framed for the happiness of mankind.

Colonel Barré observed, that the noble Lord could very calmly bear to hear his faults announced from some quarters; that his Lordship stood the attacks of a certain northern dialect with a very good grace, but he was instantly shot dead with the brogue; and what was acknowledged to be extremely candid on one side of the House, was downright malice from the other. He accused him of kissing the rod that had been held by Mr. Adam: that honourable gentleman, indeed, had held it with much grace and great ability, but he believed that the noble Lord had other reasons; that an honourable friend of his [Mr. Burke] had often exercised it with great grace and much ability, and yet it was not kissed by the noble Lord when in his hands. The reason, he said, which induced all America to take up arms sooner than the noble Lord had expected, was to oppose a common enemy. The circumstance put him in mind of a speech made by Marshal Schomberg to the British troops, as they were crossing the river Boyne, in Ireland, “Au devoir mes enfans, voilà vos ennemis!” As to his Lordship’s declaration, of being “forced” into the office he now holds, he said it might be possible that his Lordship was forced into it; but, after the glaring proofs he has given of inability in that station,