exertion of all her power and resources? In what situation will Great Britain then find herself? Her Colonies will not only be totally lost to her, but, at least as to the benefits of their commerce, thrown into the hands of other Powers, most probably her natural enemies. Reduced to her insular dominions; curtailed in her commerce; the principal source of her wealth and naval power transferred into the hands of her enemies; her blood and treasures exhausted; her revenues lessened; oppressed with an enormous debt, and debilitated with unsuccessful exertions; she will lose her power and consequence in the system of Europe, and be exposed, almost a defenceless prey, to the first neighbour who shall choose to invade her.

These, sir, are the consequences which must ensue from the measures we are now called upon to approve and support. Whether they are followed by defeat or success, they will, almost with equal certainty, destroy the power, the glory, the happiness of this once great and flourishing empire. It is my opinion that we cannot conquer America; I have not a doubt, that we cannot acquire or maintain a beneficial sovereignty over her by violence and force.

But, shall we give up our Colonies without a struggle; without an attempt to preserve our dominion over them? That, sir, is not my opinion; I think we shall lose that dominion, I am sure we shall lose all benefit from it by oppression, violence, and war; but it may still be preserved by justice, moderation, and peace. The Americans, it is said, will be satisfied with nothing less than absolute independence. They do not say so themselves, sir; they have said the direct contrary: “Restore the ancient Constitution of the empire, under which all parts of it have flourished; place us in the situation we were in the year 1763, and we will submit to your regulations of commerce, and return to our obedience and constitutional subjection.” This, sir, is the language of the Americans.

Is this a claim of absolute independence? Were they independent of this country in the year 1763, or at any preceding period? Will any gentleman on the other side of the House rise up and say that they were? If they were not, they do not now claim to be so. If they were then independent, it was in that state that those advantages of wealth and power flowed from them, which raised us but a few years ago to the greatest height of eminence and glory, and set us at the head of all the nations of the world. But our Ministers tell us they will not, in truth, be content with what they themselves have professed to demand. Have you tried them? Make the experiment. Take them at their word. Repeal the acts that have passed since 1763, and put them on the footing of their old system of Colonial administration. Surely, sir, it is a less expensive and dangerous experiment, than that which we are now so strongly urged to make. If it should fail, sir, how are we injured? Will our blood be spilt by it? Will our treasures be exhausted? Will our strength or our resources be the less? If the Americans should recede from their own proposals; if they will be content with nothing less than an independence equally opposite to the true interest of both countries; you may then have recourse to war, if it should then be thought advisable; and you will do it with the advantage of a united, instead of a divided people at home. The Colonies will not have a single friend on this side the Atlantick; there will not be a single man who will not think their resistance a most unnatural and unjustifiable rebellion, instead of thinking them (as I now do, from the bottom of my soul) engaged in a noble and glorious struggle, even if it should be carried on with a mistaken zeal, for what they conceive to be their liberties, and the natural rights of mankind. I beg pardon, sir, for having trespassed so long on the indulgence of the House; I did not rise from the hope of convincing any one member, much less from an expectation that anything I could say would be worthy of their attention. I am conscious, sir, of my own inability to treat so great a subject as it deserves; but I could not be easy in my own mind, without entering the strongest and most publick protestations against measures which appear to me to be fraught with the destruction of this mighty empire. I wash my hands of the blood of my fellow-subjects; and shall at least have this satisfaction, amidst the impending calamities of the publick, not only to think that I have not contributed to, but that I have done all in my power to oppose and avert, the ruin of my country.

Sir Gilbert Elliot defended Lord North from the attack made on his indolence and inactivity; and, besides arguing in support of his Lordship’s conciliatory proposition of last year, said he would not give his consent to the sending a large armament to America, without sending, at the same time, terms of accommodation.

Mr. Rigby rallied Colonel Barré upon his numerous acquaintance. He was always much pleased and entertained with the stories of that honourable gentleman; nay, he was even entertained with the history he had given of his own life the day before, though he must own that it came with a bad grace from a person’s own mouth. He then made an avowal of his principles, and declared he voted for the Address merely because it was to sanction coercive measures. He was firmly of opinion that America must be conquered, and that the present rebellion must be crushed ere the dispute would be ended. There were faults somewhere, but he did not know whether they were in the department of the sea or land. As to conciliatory plans, he was as much for them as any man; and he did not wish to fight for a paltry tea duty; but wished to be understood, that in saying so, he did not, by any means, give up the right of taxation, although it might not be politick to insist on it at present; and he quoted the authority of Lord Chatham, to prove that it was a doctrine held in the House ten years ago, and that the Earl had, himself, when Minister, declared the Americans should not manufacture—that they should not make a horse-nail. He concluded with hoping the Minister would act with becoming vigour in America, and he doubted not of success. He described the present situation of America in very strong terms, saying that there now existed in that country a system of tyranny that disgraced usurpation.

Mr. Dempster. I do not rise, sir, to trouble the House on the subject of the question more immediately under its consideration. The noble Lord [North] has, in my opinion, concluded that matter fully and desirably. He has declared his willingness to accept of an indemnity, if the legality of the measure of introducing foreign troops into our distant garrisons and forts shall appear doubtful to the House. The expediency of that measure nobody has disputed; its legality alone is called in question, and, in my opinion, very justly so; but as this point will be settled by an act of indemnity, what more can be said? what more can we desire? The business is concluded. But, sir, I am induced, though at a late hour of the night, to say a few words on something that fell from the same noble Lord, and that has since fallen from other gentlemen of great weight and authority in this House. From what they have said, sir, a ray of comfort breaks in upon us. That dark and portentous cloud that has hung so long over Great Britain and America, fraught with numberless ills to both, begins to break and clear up. Within this half hour I am induced to entertain a hope, to which I have been long a stranger, that there will be an end to bloodshed, and that peace, harmony, and happiness, may be again restored to this distracted empire. To forward this most desirable object, as far as lies in my power, is my sole motive for saying a very few words.

The noble Lord has disclaimed any intention of enslaving America. He has gone so far as to say that he would not object to restoring her to the footing on which she stood in the year 1763, was there a probability of America being now satisfied with this concession. Another right honourable gentleman [Mr. Rigby] of great abilities, and a leader of no inconsiderable party in this House, has just now declared that he will not fight with America for a paltry duty upon tea. And a third right honourable gentleman, [Sir Gilbert Elliot,] not short of the former in consideration and weight among us, has expressly affirmed, that he will not consent to an armament sailing against America, unless the same fleet shall carry reasonable offers of accommodation to that quarter of the globe. There appears, for the first time, by what has fallen from those three noble and honourable persons, a disposition to relinquish the great bone of contention between our Colonies and their parent State; I mean, sir, the exercise of the right of taxing them, unrepresented as they are, in Parliament. I hope, sir, the House will re-vert to our ancient system of governing the Colonies; for, till we abandon this new-fangled system of taxing them here—a system no older than the conclusion of the last war—I will venture to affirm that no coercive measures