short of extermination will ever compel the Americans to submit to it.

There is no subject on which I have employed more reflection than on the grounds of our present dispute with America; and the result has been an opinion, by which I believe I shall abide as long as I breathe—it is, sir, that, in my conscience, I think the claim of the Americans is just and well-founded, to be left in the free exercise of the right of taxing themselves in their several Provincial Assemblies, in the same manner that Ireland now does and always has done. By this beautiful part of our Constitution, our wise ancestors have bound together the different and distant parts of this mighty empire; by this single principle, heretofore inviolate, they have diffused, in a most unexampled manner, the blessings of liberty and good government through our remotest Provinces.

Look, sir, into the history of the Provinces of other States— of the Roman Provinces in ancient time—of the French, Spanish, Dutch, and Turkish Provinces of more modern date; and you will find every page of it stained with acts of oppressive violence, of cruelty, injustice, and peculation; but in the British Provinces, the annual meetings of their little assemblies have constantly restrained the despotism, and corrected the follies of their Governours; they watch over the administration of justice, and, from time to time, enact such salutary regulations as tend to promote their happiness and well-being. And what, sir, I beseech you, could insure the regular meeting of those assemblies, ever trouble-some to Governours, but their retaining in their own hands, like us at home, the power of granting the funds necessary for defraying the current expense of Government? Were your Provincial Assemblies deprived of this power, I cannot see wherein the Government of America would differ from that of Indostan. And has our inquiries, in a former session, into the administration of Bengal, made us in love with the Eastern species of Government? Do we seriously wish to transplant the rapine and cruelties of India to America? But how, sir, that this system is given up to our Colonies, peace will, I hope, speedily follow the concession.

I cannot, sir, but commend, in the warmest terms, the intention expressed in the Speech from the throne, of sending a Commission to America to empower persons on the spot to receive submissions, to remove oppressive restrictions, and to grant pardons and other indulgences to our fellow-citizens across the Atlantick. There is but one step more necessary to be taken, and peace will, in my humble opinion, be certain and infallible; and in relation to that step alone have I ventured to rise on the present occasion. It has already been touched upon by an honourable gentleman, [Mr. James Grenville,] who always expresses himself with elegance and propriety. The point I mean, sir, is, that his Majesty’s Commissioners may be empowered to treat with the Congress. I am convinced, sir, that America will not listen to a treaty through any other medium; it stands to reason and common sense she will not; for the Congress is not only the sole existing power at this moment in America, but it is to the union formed by means of the Congress, that America owes its strength, and its formidable power of resistance; without such a union, twelve wide-spread, far-distant Provinces, thinly peopled and individually weak, could never act with effect in defence of what they think their violated rights; nor is it to be supposed they will dissolve this firm bond of union till their grievances are redressed. May I, then, be permitted very humbly to join my feeble voice to the honourable gentleman’s before alluded to, and entreat the Ministry that no false pride, no misplaced idea of dignity and authority, may induce them to forbid the Commissioners from treating for and seeking peace where alone peace may be found. Let the Commissioners be vested with discretionary powers, and left at least without an express prohibition to treat with that body; or let some means be devised of legalizing a Congress, by calling one pro re nata under his Majesty’s authority.

The Commissioners will, sir, I hope, be well chosen; will be men of rank and character; men of known attachment to the Constitution, and men known and revered for services done to their country, and neither too much attached to Britain nor America; but, if possible, impartial in their opinion concerning the present contest.

When men such as I have described, giving weight and dignity to the commission they bear, come to treat and to reason with the Americans, much may be urged to quiet their jealousies and apprehensions, and to bring them back to their wonted allegiance to the King, and subordination to this country. They may be told, sir, and told with truth, that Parliament is not so determinately obstinate on the measure of taxation as they apprehend. They may be reminded that if Parliament taxed them in the year 1764, the same Parliament, finding this well-meant but injudicious measure offensive to America, repealed the tax in the year 1765. They may be told that on the memorable occasion of repealing the Stamp Act, their great champion, the Earl of Chatham, laid the claim of America only to an exemption from internal taxation. They may be also told that the seven or eight duties afterwards imposed, were not internal taxes, but external port duties on foreign commodities. And yet, in consequence of those external duties being disagreeable to America, they were all repealed except this miserable three-penny duty upon tea. And when to those arguments the Commissioners can add that Parliament, even on this last article, is disposed to relax, I can hardly doubt of their success. I already see peace and harmony restored. I see the two countries, like two friends who have quarrelled, returning with eagerness to their ancient habits of friendship, and cementing more closely than before their useful connection and affectionate union. How ardently, sir, this is my wish, let the trouble I have now ventured to give you this night bear witness, if the uniformity of my conduct for eleven years that this unhappy contest has subsisted, should not be a sufficient testimony of my sincerity.

The motion for recommitting the Address was then negatived.

At seven o’clock, Sir George Yonge moved an amendment to the Address, by inserting after the words “maintenance of its authority,” these words: “and we will immediately take into our consideration the measure of introducing foreign troops into any part of the dominions of Great Britain, without the previous approbation of Parliament.” This caused a fresh debate, which continued till one o’clock; when, the question being put, the House divided.

The yeas went forth:

So it passed in the negative.

Then the Address was agreed to by the House. Resolved, That the said Address be presented to his Majesty by the whole House.

Ordered, That such Members of this House as are of his Majesty’s most honourable Privy Council, do humbly know bis Majesty’s pleasure, when he will be attended by this House.

And the House having continued to sit till near one of the clock on Saturday morning,

Ordered, That his Majesty’s most gracious Speech to both Houses of Parliament be taken into consideration this day.

Saturday, October 28, 1775.

Mr. Comptroller of the Household reported to the House that his Majesty, having been waited upon (pursuant to the order of yesterday) humbly to know his Majesty’s pleasure when he would be pleased to be attended by this House, had been pleased to appoint to be attended this day, at half an hour after two of the clock, at his Palace of Saint James.

Monday, October 30, 1775.

Mr. Speaker reported to the House, that the House attended his Majesty on Saturday last, with their Address, to which his Majesty was pleased to give this most gracious answer:

“GENTLEMEN: I return you my hearty thanks for this loyal and dutiful Address. I promise myself the most happy consequences from the very zealous aud affectionate assurances of the support of my faithful Commons at this great and important conjuncture; and I have a firm confidence that, by the blessing of God on the justice of the cause, and by the assistance of my Parliament, I shall be enabled to suppress this dangerous rebellion, and to attain the most desirable end of restoring my subjects in America to that