cases of necessity, where the well-being of the nation is at stake, is always able to defend herself against the whole world; consequently powerful enough to reduce her revolted Colonies to obedience. Let the Colonists know, that the longer they resist, the heavier burden they will incur, as in justice they must be made to defray the expenses of subduing the present Rebellion. They have given you the opportunity, and now is the time to insist on terms safe and honourable for this country. Inform them in plain language that you are determined to erect forts, and in future to keep up a sufficient force amongst them to maintain peace. Your naval power is great; your resources for military men, while you have riches, are immense; but, above all, your cause is just; be not afraid, Heaven will support you.

General Conway said that if Administration meant any thing, they should have prosecuted the operations by sea. He condemned the whole of the arrangements now proposed. He was certain the force now going to be voted was not sufficient. He was certain that no force they could, with their utmost exertions, raise or maintain, would be adequate to the task; it was not only his own opinion, but that of several General officers, men of rank and eminence in their profession; nay, it was the opinion of one of the first General officers in Europe, whose name, if insisted on, he was ready to mention. But supposing the force to be adequate; suppose you could carry everything according to your own expectations, what would it amount to? Do you think the other Powers of Europe will sit silent and inactive at such a season? Do you think, though they should not take an open part, they will not encourage and spirit up these people? that they will not give that kind of assistance which America wants, and they can best spare? It is true, Holland has prohibited any communication with the British Colonies. Has France or Spain issued any such publick order? Or if they did, ought it to be depended on? I am sure it ought not. I have the strongest reason to believe, by information from persons well acquainted with the matter, that none of them are to be relied on; and I have heard, from no mean authority, that at least one of the former Powers has given, and will continue to give them every secret aid, till they shall no longer have an interest in concealing their real sentiments. For my part, I disapprove of the whole proceedings, from the beginning to the end; the principles, the measures, the system, all claim my strongest disapprobation. I am, therefore, determined to set my face openly against them. The noble Lord [North] who has the direction of the affairs of this country, tells you that the Americans aim at independence. I defy the noble Lord, or any other member of this House, to adduce one solid proof of this charge. He says the era of 1763 is the time they wish to recur to, because such a concession on our part would be, in effect, giving up their dependance on this country. I deny the conclusion, too. I would ask the noble Lord, did the people of America set up this claim of independence previous to the year 1763? No, they were then peaceable and dutiful subjects. They are still dutiful and obedient. [Here a murmur of disapprobation.] I repeat my words, I think them so inclined; I am certain they would be so, if they were permitted. The acts they have committed arise from no want of either; they have been forced into them. Taxes have been attempted to be levied on them; their charters have been violated, nay, taken away. Administration have attempted to coerce them by the most cruel and oppressive laws. What will not men attempt in such a situation? What will not freemen feel under such a complication of misery and distress? How does any man in this House think men should act, when overwhelmed with a train of calamities? How ought freemen and Englishmen to act under such circumstances? I will not say that the assertion may be strictly legal, but I am sure it is founded in the fundamental principles of this Constitution and the natural rights of mankind, to affirm they are fully justified in their resistance; and I hope that that principle is deeply engraven in the heart of every Englishman. I would ask, is there one of you that would tamely or basely submit to such a manifest injustice? I say it is injustice in the most aggravated sense, to take money from people against their consent, nay, their express disapprobation, without a single information relative to their abilities or means of payment. The noble Lord says the contest is not now about taxation, but whether the people of America are to form a dependant part of this empire or not. But I beg leave to say, that the dispute this moment existing is about taxation; for but once give up the claim, and every single step you have taken throughout this business has been no less mad and ridiculous than violent and unjust. You sought a revenue, to which you had not a single fair pretension, because they fully contributed to the proportion of the publick burdens, by acquiescing in the monopoly of their trade. In fine, though measures of coercion were constitutional, were equitable, I am perfectly satisfied they are totally impracticable. I am sure there is not a gentleman of the profession, however sanguine, will rise and tell the House, that he believes the force to be voted this day is by any means proportioned to the extent of the necessary operation, though the regiments were effective and every way complete. If this be, then, the case, it is plain some other plan is in contemplation. Let, then, the noble Lord in the blue ribbon rise and give us some information. I do not desire the detail; let us have general outline, to be able to judge of the probability of its success. It is indecent not to lay before the House some plan, or the outlines of a plan. What does the noble Lord mean? How does he intend to act? If his plan is conciliation, let us see it, that we may form some opinion upon it; if it be hostility and coercion, I do repeat, that we have no cause for a minute’s consideration; for I can with confidence pronounce, that the present military armament will never succeed.

Mr. Jenkinson contended, that several of the acts desired by the Americans to be repealed did not directly relate to the present contest. He said, he was afraid that all attempts to conciliate would be fruitless. A noble Lord [Lord Chatham] in the other House had formed a plan of conciliation; another originated in that House; but what was the reception they met with? They were both treated with every possible mark of disrespect and contempt; nay, so determined were the Continental Congress to reject any pacifick overture, that they refused so much as to receive the latter as a basis for treaty or negotiation. He said, if there was the least prospect of success, it would be the accompanying our terms of conciliation with a considerable force. There were several terms to be made before conciliation could be obtained. He could mention many, but at present would only mention one: that security should be given to all those who had adhered to the Government of this country over America, and had, in consequence, been driven from America. Terms of force were the measures chalked out by his Majesty, in his speech from the throne; a formidable armament, conditions of conciliation, and gracious offers of forgiveness and protection. On this foundation the present vote was proposed; if, therefore, premature explanations were desired; if the gentlemen who pledged themselves to support those measures had altered their minds in one event, or had withdrawn their confidence from the King’s servants, he saw no possible way to remedy matters but by a change of Administration; observing, that at this very time, after going such lengths, how cowardly it would be to decline the contest almost at the very outset.

Lord John Cavendish said this was treating Parliament with every possible degree of disrespect. Measures are concerted in the Cabinet; the King is made by his Ministers to express his general intentions; the House of Commons is desired to support those measures by voting an enormous war establishment; and when questions are asked and explanations desired, even by the very friends of Administration, the gentlemen who call for a plan are very laconically referred to the King’s speech. The speech holds out generals, and refers you to particulars; when these particulars are called for, the speech is quoted, as the true standard of information. He trusted that Englishmen would never submit to slavery, much less to the tyranny of their own countrymen; and it was the peculiar business of all those in this country who valued their own liberties, to defend those of their brethren in America;for they might depend, that the same system of Government that was attempted there, would at length make its way hither, and the liberties of America and Great Britain be buried in one grave. His Lordship observed, that we armed at the time of the affair of Falkland’s Island, and put the nation to an enormous expense to no purpose, a peace having been secretly concluded.

Lord Frederick Campbell said, peace was not concluded;