person’s taking the business out of their hands; that as we heard last year the conciliatory proposition explained into an auction, at which the Americans were to bid up for their rights, so now he found we were to have (by a competition of propositions to be brought forward by some gentlemen) a Dutch auction, at which parties were to bid downwards for the good will and favour of the Americans; those to be best entitled to it who could offer the lowest terms. He thought this, he said, so unfitting, that he would put the previous question upon any such propositions, even upon those which an honourable gentleman [Mr. Burke] had given notice he would propose and move.

He then went to the explaining some matters of fact which had been asserted. First, in answer to an idea of his being intended to be one of the Commissioners mentioned in the speech: he totally disavowed any communication about it, or the least knowledge of it. He said, if it were offered, he should wish to know, first, whether the powers to be granted were such as could be of any use. These Commissioners could not treat with the present self-created Congress; and, on the other hand, that no Provincial Assembly would treat with them. He said there must be other means found to obtain even preliminaries whereon to treat. In answer to a charge made against Ministry for sending the transports so late to America, and to Ouebeck especially, he said, single ships might and did go all the year round to some part or other of America; that they might even get up to Quebeck so late as Christmas; that until the river was shut by being frozen up, the northwesters and monsoons, in the latter season, were not against but for them when once in the river; that though there might be bad weather before, yet winter did not usually set in so as to shut up the river till Christmas. A gentleman had said that the French exclaimed against our conduct at the breaking out of last war, in seizing their ships without a previous declaration of war, as a breach of the law of nations. He explained this, and showed that the French were the aggressors, and that they broke the law of nations, by seizing our Indian traders, carrying them prisoners in irons to Canada, confiscating their goods to a great amount, destroying their habitations and settlements, and taking the King’s forts by force. That he had the accounts of these losses made out in an authentick way, had sent them to the Minister at the time, and had now duplicates of them by him; that he hoped, therefore, we should hear no more of this reproach.

Mr. Burke raised the laugh of the House at Mr. Pownalls expense, by ridiculing his declaration of what he could do, and what he knew; and by humorously saying the Governour had tolled the bell, and given notice, that on Friday he would perform the funeral service over his intended, and, as yet, unknown, proposal for a reconciliation. As he was to be killed by a previous question, he begged to tell the House a story. He then related a legend of a Prince whose parents superstitiously imagined he was to lose his life by a lion, and therefore prevented him from going out, for fear of his meeting a lion; but that one day he was in a room where that animal was imitated in the tapestry, which in rage he struck at, and there being a nail in the wall under that part of the tapestry where the lion’s jaw appeared, it tore his hand, and killed him. Now, (said Mr. Burke,) I find that I am to be killed by the foot of a more ignoble beast—that universal murderer, a previous question; I fear the liberties of this country will die by a previous question. He observed, that Ministers had already given up the idea of taxation, and seemed rather doubtful of recovering America on any terms; but in such a state of political despair, the honourable gentleman told them, that not only peace and America might be recovered and restored, but that a revenue might be yet obtained. He admitted that the honourable gentleman had knowledge; but now, he said, (looking at Mr. Jenkinson,) let me turn from knowledge to authority, which has always more weight in this House. I shall now speak to the real Minister. From his speech it is obvious what is intended. An army is to “do the business;” since that is the case, he should rest satisfied without further inquiry, but just to beg leave to know if there was one gentleman of the military profession in the House (and, blind as he was, he could discern several red coats) who would rise and tell the House, that from his conscience he was satisfied the estimate on the table, and the arrangements in consequence of it, would answer the ends proposed.

Mr. Powys, in reply to Mr. Jenkinson, said also, that now he found it was that war was intended.

[An altercation arose, whether the Board of Trade had not neglected to apply to Governour Tryon, when in England, for information on American affairs.]

Sir John Wrottesley mentioned his having been in company with some respectable and sensible American gentlemen, who talked of the present dispute, and informed him that there were three ways of terminating it with honour. The one, by treaty; the second, by repealing all the acts subsequent to 1763; and the third, by conquest. Sir John added, that these Americans had informed him the New-York Petition (which, like most of the others, was unfortunately clogged with a clause denying the legislative authority of Great Britain over her Colonies) was fabricated here and sent to New-York, where, in compliment to the fabricator, it was signed and sent back to be presented. Sir John wished an end to the quarrel, but not at the expense of the honour or the rights of this country.

Mr. Burke urged Sir John to have the person to the bar of the House who gave him the information, offering, on his part, to bring three evidences to disprove the fact.

The Committee divided on the first Resolution: Ayes, 227; Noes, 73.

Sir Charles Whitworth reported from the Committee, that they had come to several Resolutions, which they had directed him to report, when the House will please to receive the same.

Ordered, That the Report be received upon Friday morning next.

HOUSE OF LORDS.

Wednesday, November 15, 1775.

The Duke of Grafton* said he should move that an humble Address be presented to his Majesty, humbly desiring that his Majesty would give directions to the proper officer to lay before that House an account of the number of forces serving in America previous to the commencement of hostilities. He explained the reasons upon which his intended motion was founded; and said he thought such a motion extremely necessary at this time, when not only the nation at large was kept in such profound ignorance, but even the ancient hereditary council, his Majesty’s great constitutional advisers, knew no more of what measures were intended to be pursued than they did of what was transacting in any foreign cabinet in Europe. He reminded their Lordships of his sentiments on a former occasion relative to the nature and extent of the information; that he did not want to know the detail, nor the particular means intended to be employed to give their measures success. He did not want, in short,

*It was not difficult to foresee that the late unexpected conduct of the Duke of Grafton would occasion, at least, one remove among the great offices of State. It was, however, accompanied with some which were not publickly thought of. Whether the unhappy state of American affairs had disgusted the Earl of Dartmouth with the office of conducting them, or that Government imagined a more austere and inflexible character, with their natural concomitant—a determinate conduct, were necessary to restore peace and order; however it was, that nobleman now quitted the American Secretaryship, and received the Privy Seal, which had been held by the Duke of Grafton.

The arduous task of conducting the American Department was reposed in Lord George Sackville Germaine. The principal attachment of that noble Lord had been to Mr. Grenville. After Mr. Grenville’s death, indeed, he continued for some time firm on his former ground; and did not join in that defection from the minority which immediately followed that event. But he began at length to slaken in opposition. He fell in with Administration in the proceedings against the East-India Company in 1773; and took a full and decided part in all the coercive measures which had been pursued against the Americans, during the present troubles. His connections with Mr. Grenville probably made him support with more zeal and steadiness the highest claims of parliamentary authority; and as he was generally esteemed a man of business, and an able debater, he was sought for at a time when the extraordinary powers in the same line upon the other side seemed, notwithstanding the superiority of numbers, not a little to distress Administration. It will not be conceived that this appointment strengthened the hope or increased the satisfaction of those who held the opinion that conciliatory measures could only bring the present troubles to a speedy and happy conclusion.

At the same time, the Earl of Rochford having retired from publick business, was succeeded as Secretary of State for the Southern Department, by Lord Weymouth who had continued out of employment since his resignation on the affair of Falkland Island. And a few days after, Lord Lyttelton, who had been distinguished at the opening of the session by the severity of his strictures upon Administration, was called to the Privy Council, and appointed Chief Justice in Eyre, beyond Trent. Lord Pelham was also appointed to the great Wardrobe, and Lord Ashburnham, Keeper of the Stole.—An. Regis.