And first, he mentioned the proposal for repealing the Declaratory Act of 1766. On this occasion he entered into the history of that act, the reasons for making of it, and the perfect acquiescence of the Colonies under it, until, by the renewal of the scheme of actual taxation, their apprehensions were roused, and they were taught to look with suspicion and terrour upon the unlimited powers of the British Legislature, That the repeal of a Declaratory Act was a thing impossible; for it was nothing less than to make the Legislature accuse itself of uttering propositions that were false, and making claims that were groundless. That the disgrace of an English Parliament could add nothing to the security of American liberty; that, on the contrary, our inconstancy would become a bad ground of trust. That the Declaratory Act had been misrepresented, as if it had been the cause of the taxation; whereas the grand scheme of taxation had preceded the Declaratory Act, and not been the consequence of it. That the act has said nothing in particular of taxation, but is an affirmation of the universality of the legislative power of Great Britain over the Colonies. That if this act were repealed, it would be a denial of legislative power, as extensive as the affirmation of it in the act so repealed. That he was averse to doing anything upon speculations of right; because, when Parliament made a positive concession, the bounds of it were clear and precise; but when they made a concession founded in theory and abstract principles, the consequences of those principles were things out of the power of any Legislature to limit. That this bill gave as effectual a security against future taxation as any declaration of right could possibly do; and that it put American liberty, in that point, upon just as good a footing as English liberty itself.

He next considered the proposition for repealing all the acts since 1763. This he showed to be impossible, without ruining the whole system of the trade laws, and some of those laws also which are extremely beneficial to America. That all the laws which leaned upon the Colonies, and were the cause or consequence of the quarrel, were to be repealed in this bill, which made provision likewise for authorizing such a negotiation as might tend to the settlement of all those lesser matters to the mutual advantage of the parties. That the Congress did not require this sweeping repeal as a preliminary to peace; but that even if it had, he was for treating of peace with and making concession to the Colonies, and not receiving laws from them. That he did not conceive that when men come to treat of peace they must, of course, persevere in demanding everything which they claimed in the height of the quarrel. That the cause of quarrel was taxation; that being removed, the rest would not be difficult; for he denied that the desire of absolute independency was, or could be, general in the Colonies. It was so contrary to their clearest interests, provided their liberties were preserved, that, so far from disbelieving them when they denied such a design, he could scarcely credit them if they should assert it. He then stated five or six capital facts, to prove that independency neither was or could be their object.

He said, he was confident, both from the nature of the thing, and from information which did not use to fail him, that this bill would restore immediate peace, and as much obedience as could be expected after so rude a shock had been given to Government, and after so long a continuance of publick disturbances. That in this bill a basis was laid for such satisfaction in the minds of all sober people in America as would enable Government to fix and settle, if common prudence were employed in its future construction and management. That in the first operation it would be the true means of dividing America. Not the dangerous and fallacious method of dividing which had been proposed, and from which nothing but confusion could grow; not the division of Province from Province, or the rich from the poor, or the landed from the trading interest; but the division of the peaceable from the factious, the quiet from the ambitious, the friends to the unity of the empire from the projectors of independence. That this would put the standard of American liberty into the hands of the friends to British government; and when this was done, there was no doubt but that a sense of interest, natural affection, the dread of the horrors of war, and even the love of freedom itself, (better secured by such an act than by any schemes of hazardous speculation,) would leave the really factious very few followers or companions.

He then strongly urged the necessity of granting peace to our Colonies on terms of freedom; dilated largely on the uncertainty (to say no worse) of obtaining it upon any other; and the utter impossibility of preserving it in future, without setting the minds of the people at rest. He dwelt largely on the mischiefs which we must suffer by the continuance of this quarrel. He rested little on the consideration of trade and revenue; he put that out of the question, as a matter that would require a large discussion by itself; but chiefly aimed at showing that, in the progress of this business, new powers must be daily added to the Crown; so that in seeking to destroy the freedom of others, we may fail to obtain what we pursue, and in the pursuit may lose our own liberty. On this head he dwelt very largely, and concluded the whole with a warm and earnest address to the consciences of the members, and an exhortation not to trust to general good intention, and to an opinion that what they were doing was for the support of Government, when it was far from evident that, under the name of Government, it was not the ambition, the interest, the ignorance and obstinacy of particular men that they were supporting; that they were bound not to give confidence where rational grounds of confidence did not appear; and that anarchy instead of government, and civil confusion instead of peace and obedience, would be the consequence of an encouragement given by that House to a blind perseverance in measures which were not conceived with wisdom, or conducted with ability.

He moved, “That leave be given to bring in a Bill for composing the present troubles, and for quieting the minds of his Majesty’s subjects in America.”

The following is a copy of the Bill.

“Whereas, by the blessing of Almighty God, and the industry, enterprise, and courage, of several of the people of this realm, extensive and valuable territories have been acquired in America to the Crown of Great Britain, which are now inhabited by great multitudes of his Majesty’s subjects, who have cultivated and improved the same for the most part at their own charges, to the great increase of the commerce and naval strength of this kingdom, and have also, of their own free gift, made provision for the support of the civil Government within their said plantations, have maintained many expensive wars against the Indian nations, and have, at sundry times, granted large sums of money, and other very considerable aids to his Majesty and his royal predecessors, to support them against the enemies of this kingdom; notwithstanding which, the inhabitants of the said Colonies have been made liable to several taxes given and granted in Parliament, for the purpose of raising a revenue, when they have had no Knights or Burgesses, or others of their own choosing, to represent them in Parliament; and from the great distance of the said Colonies from this land, and other impediments, are not able conveniently to send Representatives to the said Parliament, whereby the said inhabitants of the British Colonies have conceived themselves to be much aggrieved, and thereby great troubles have arisen, and are likely to continue, if a fitting remedy be not provided: Wherefore, we pray your Majesty that it may be enacted and declared, and it is hereby enacted and declared, by, &c., &c., &c.,

“That no aid, subsidy, tax, duty, loan, benevolence, or any other burden or imposition whatsoever, shall be granted, laid, assessed, levied, or collected, upon the inhabitants of any Colony or Plantation in America, by the authority, or in virtue of any act of Parliament, or in any other manner, or by any other authority, than the voluntary grant of the General Assembly, or General Court of each Colony or Plantation, and which shall be assented to by his Majesty’s Governour, and otherwise confirmed according to the usage of each Province respectively, any law, statute, custom, right, prerogative, or any other matter whatsoever, to the contrary notwithstanding. Saving to his Majesty, his heirs and successors, his right of reserving and collecting quitrents, and other his ancient dues and revenues, and all other duties and taxes by this act not repealed, and saving and reserving to all proprietors and charter-companies their ancient rights, privileges, and possessions.

“Provided, always, That nothing in this act shall extend, or be construed to extend, to restrain the future imposition