attempt to define it, had been the first and continued cause of their present disunion. He predicted that, as the motion of last year was received by the Americans with neglect, the attempt of the present year, to press it down by force, would be opposed with resentment.

General Conway rose to explain. He very seldom recollected the words he had used in the heat of argument, and could not, therefore, recollect what might have been his words on this occasion; it was a peculiar part of his character, upon any point in which he was warm and interested, as he always was on this business of America. He might probably use strong expressions, which went beyond the line of his deliberate opinion; if he said anything which carried a sense, such as that which had been imputed to him by the Attorney-General, he did not mean it; what he meant to say was, that if he thought the cause positively and directly unjust, it ought so to press upon the conscience of a military man, that no consideration in the world should prevail upon him to take a part in it.

Governour Johnstone would make no apology to the House for the late hour of the night; for let the hour be what it would, the subject was of that importance no hour could be too late for the mature and deliberate consideration of it. I will now tell you as a sailor, that you will destroy the West-India trade by this barring up of the ports of North-America; and if you should not do that, you will at least double the insurance on that commerce and navigation; you will starve the Islands, and, uniting them in the same cause with North-America, drive them to revolt also.

In answer to Sir George Hay, he said, that Administration had both used unlawful power, and lawful power arbitrarily. Great Britain is the only Government in the world which has found out the art of carrying power to the distant parts of the empire, by satisfying the people that they are in security against oppression. You cannot govern the Colonies without carrying this power to the spot; instead of sending it with the necessary and constitutional checks, you are going to send out a Commission to exercise, not the constitutional, but the dictatorial power of the Crown.

The House divided.

The yeas went forth:

And the question being put, That the words last proposed to be left out, stand part of the question;

It was resolved in the affirmative.

Then the main question being put,

Ordered, That leave be given to bring in the Bill; and that the Lord North, Lord George Germaine, Mr. Charles Townshend, the Lord Beauchamp, Mr. Cornwall, Mr. Attorney-General, Mr. Solicitor-General, Sir Grey Cooper, and Mr. Robinson, do prepare and bring in the same.

Monday, November 27, 1775,

The Lord North presented to the House, according to order, a Bill to prohibit all Trade and Intercourse with the Colonies of New-Hampshire, Massachusetts-Bay, Rhode-Island, Connecticut, New-York, New-Jersey, Pennsylvania, the three lower Counties on Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North-Carolina, South-Carolina, and Georgia, during the continuance of the present Rebellion within the said Colonies respectively; for repealing an Act made in the fourteenth year of the reign of his present Majesty, to discontinue the Landing and Discharging, Lading or Shipping, of Goods, Wares, and Merchandise, at the Town and within the Harbour of Boston, in the Province of Massachusetts-Bay; and also two Acts, made in the last session of Parliament, for restraining the Trade and Commerce of the Colonies in the said Acts respectively mentioned; and to enable his Majesty to appoint Commissioners, and to issue Proclamations in the cases, and for the purposes therein mentioned.

And the same was received, and read the first time.

Resolved, That the Bill be read a second time.

Ordered, That the said Bill be read a second time upon Friday morning next.

Ordered, That the said Bill be printed.

Friday, December 5, 1775.

The Bill was, according to order, read a second time;

And a motion being made, and the question being put, that the Bill be committed;

Lord North said, if there was anything which carried an air of severity in the bill, it would be in the power of America herself to prevent its operation; for all that the people of any Colony had to do, was to own the legislative supremacy of Great Britain, as the parent and controlling State; or, if unwilling to accede to any general declaration of that kind, to contribute, of their own accord, towards the support of Government, as one of the parts of the empire entitled to the protection of the whole.

The Hon. Thomas Walpole. My sentiments have been so rarely delivered in this House, that some gentlemen consider me as one of those who have lately changed their opinions respecting America. Had I, indeed, formerly approved the measures of Government towards the Colonies, the ill success which has resulted, and which is likely to result, from them, would now convince me of the expediency of changing the system of our conduct. My sentiments, however, have been confirmed, not altered, by our late unsuccessful experiments in America, as I have constantly disapproved every act for imposing taxes on the Colonies.

Respecting the bill now under consideration, I must oppose it, because, of all our proceedings, this appears to me the most violent and impolitick. It begins with a formal, indiscriminate declaration of war against the inhabitants of thirteen Colonies; and after authorizing a general seizure and confiscation of their effects, it concludes with a fallacious, nugatory provision respecting the attainment of peace. Concerning the first of these objects, I must observe, that were it both justifiable and expedient to seize and confiscate the property of the Colonists, without discrimination, the time for doing it is past, and the measure becomes impracticable by that total suspension of commerce which has now taken place in America. Twelve months ago, indeed, an attempt of this kind might have succeeded; but its success would have been ruinous to multitudes of British merchants, who were either immediately or remotely interested in the cargoes of all American vessels, wherever dispersed, and especially of those laden with corn, which the Americans were honourably sending us in discharge of their debts, and which was necessary to preserve Europe from famine. The attempt was, therefore, wisely suspended, as indeed every other hostile measure ought to have been, since it is impossible for us to injure the Colonies without suffering by the distress which we may occasion them. But if it was expedient to delay the seizure of American ships while they were in our power, it must be absurd to attempt it when the measure is no longer practicable, or at least when our only captures will be privateers, which a knowledge of this act will provoke the Colonists to fit out, in order to distress our West-India trade, and make reprisals for those depredations which we are now going to authorize; unless, indeed, the severe penalties of this bill should, as I think they will, induce the Americans to open their ports to the ships of other maritime Powers, and invite foreigners to supply their wants—a proceeding which would compel us to seize the effects of the subjects of other States, and eventually involve us in a disastrous European war.

Respecting the concluding part of this bill, I cannot but think the provision which it makes for peace is very inadequate to the attainment of it; for the provision consists only of a power in certain circumstances, to grant particular pardons and exemptions from the penalties of this act. But will the offer of pardon satisfy men who acknowledge no crime, and who are conscious not of doing, but of suffering wrong? Or will the prospect of an exemption from commercial seizures, without the redress of any grievance, disarm those who have deliberately refused all commerce until their grievances shall be redressed? A noble Lord, who is now become the Minister for America, has indeed told us that nothing should be granted to the Colonists until they shall have laid down their arms and made an unconditional submission to our claims. Very little, however, must his Lordship know of human nature, or of the people annexed to his department, if he thinks the motives which have induced them to associate, arm, and fight, in the defence of their supposed rights, will not forever prevent the return of peace, unless more adequate and just provisions be made for obtaining it.