This year, again, your pretext is a pretended commission to offer peace, at the same time tying up the hands of the Commissioners from making any offer but of unconditional submission, with an army of foreign mercenaries sent close upon their heels, to lay waste the whole country with fire and sword. Sir, my opposition to this unjust American war is so total and absolute against every part of it, that I hardly know in what terms to express my aversion to any one part more than to every other; yet I think, sir, if there could remain any measure exceeding every preceding one in disgrace and barbarity, it is this of introducing foreign troops. The first shedding of civil blood was wantonly precipitated by Ministerial orders last year, even before the pretended plan of reconciliation could be proposed to any Assembly on the continent; therefore the first blood lies at your door. Notwithstanding this provocation of bloodshed, the Americans tell you in their Declaration, as a proof of the sincerity of their desire for peace, that “they have not called in the rivals of your grandeur.” justly claiming the merit of forbearance under such provocation and distress. Mark the reward which we give them for their forbearance: their Petition is rejected unheard, and the Minister tells the Parliament, in the King’s speech, that it is with “satisfaction” that his Majesty has received friendly offers of foreign assistance; to which this House has given for answer, that they would “cheerfully” enable his Majesty to avail himself of the offer. An American Congress have held such a measure in abhorrence; a British Parliament have adopted it with “cheerfulness.” You have now set them the example, and perhaps, by the very act, made it unavoidably necessary for them to adopt the same fatal measure in their own defence. I call it a fatal measure; because, when foreign powers are once introduced in this dispute, all possibility of reconciliation and return to our former connection is totally cut off. You have given a justification to the Americans by your example, if they call in the assistance of foreign powers. Let the Minister who has advised this measure to his Majesty consider well of the consequences. His head as well as his hand is answerable for the treaties— I mean not merely from the effect of these foreign troops in the American dispute, but from all other consequences upon the general security of our situation with respect to all foreign powers. We know well with how jealous an eye this country is watched, and more particularly envied on account of the universal and uncontrolled empire of the British flag. One such treaty should not stand alone. If any foreign power should attack us, we shall expect of the Minister who has advised these treaties for foreign forces, to be prepared with such a system of treaties and alliances as shall secure this country from the natural consequences to be expected from such interference of foreigners. When you have set the example, you not only justify America in applying for foreign aid, but every power whatever will think themselves at liberty to take such part as may best suit their own convenience. Upon the whole of this measure, I think it the most disgraceful, the most unjust and unnatural, and big with the most fatal consequences, of any measure that has been, or could possibly be, adopted; therefore I shall give my most hearty negative to it.

The Hon. Frederick Stuart, (third son of the Earl of Bute,) was for sanguinary measures. He rested the strength of the nation chiefly on paper credit, with which he united the navy and commerce. Paper credit, he said, effected wonders; it was not only a substitute for money, but it was better. While our credit remained inviolate, we shall never want either soldiers or sailors. He insisted that America had no prospect of deriving support from any foreign power, because she was not able to pay them; neither France nor Spain would assist them unless well paid. America had nothing but paper money, and that would never pass current; nothing but good sterling money would answer their purpose, and that she would not be able to procure so long as her trade and commerce were prevented or destroyed by our navy.

Captain James Luttrell. I rise because I think that if I am not too young a member to have a sense of humanity, neither can I be deemed too young a member to give my voice as well as my vote against the oppressive measures of the present Administration. Nor can I be awed by their abilities or experience when the state of affairs prove they have been so misapplied as to lose to the Crown America, to this country a most valuable part of its commerce, and which are every day exerted in framing such bills as may more justly be called death-warrants to thousands of British subjects than a step towards regaining our lost Colonies. I flatter myself, sir, that what I shall say against this war will not be thought inconsistent with the spirit of an officer; for if Great Britain must bleed for her injustice towards America, I know my duty, and when called upon should not shrink from the summons; but I should hope when I fell that it was to save some better man, who might live to fight in a better cause. However, sir, I cannot reflect so calmly on the destiny and possible fate of those great and distinguished officers who could scarcely be replaced by their equals, much less by their superiors; I therefore feel it an additional reason to blame and lament the rashness of Administration.

I form my judgment, sir, of America, not from being a member of this House, but from having passed many years in that country, where, because I was an Englishman, I met with a friendly reception. They gave me many just causes to respect them, and to wish them well; nay, I thought it consistent with my duty so to do, even though I served in men-of-war. For I could not at that time foresee we were sent to protect America from foreign powers, only that we might become the spoilers of it ourselves. I rather looked upon us as guardians to their trade, in which both countries had a fair and a mutual advantage. The Americans have never sought nor desired to be independent of England. They thought Ministry misinformed, therefore they requested to be heard; and however artfully they may have been deprived of that privilege before this House, I do respect it as the grand judicial inquest of the nation, which must be too high and too equitable to condemn an individual without a hearing, much less three millions of subjects. Yet it is said that Parliament declared this war against America: let who will have done it, I have seen enough of that country to think it my duty to endeavour to express how much I am averse to so iniquitous, so impolitick a persecution.

I have heard, sir, that it is necessary to destroy America in order to obtain an honourable peace to this commercial country. If such great objects may be compared to small ones, I think it would have been as sound policy to send to Liverpool, at the time of the riot, to burn the town and destroy all the merchant ships, because a part of their crew had proved disobedient to the laws. But who says the Americans will not submit to be governed by just laws? They only say so who first broke through them, and have ever since been adding insult to injury. The Minister well knew he had offended all America; and what man is so unlikely to put an end to the dispute as he who insists upon being judge in his own cause? This I do say for the Americans, because I do believe it, that had their real motives been fairly and impartially laid before this House, and the Parliament of Great Britain been called in as the mediators, not the persecutors of the people, all would have ended well; that good faith which had been wantonly violated towards the Colonies would have been restored upon a more solid and lasting foundation, and men’s lives and properties been safe at this very hour. Some say, Who now are the Americans we can treat with? Is it every individual settler of that country? Surely it would be an endless work. Who, then, so proper as those in whom they place implicit faith and confidence, and whose decisions they will abide by? Such are the Congress; nor can I think the Minister wishes to pay the paltry compliment of a preference to the Provincial Councils and Assemblies, unless he can forget how long they were treated with the most shameful contempt and disgrace, and that he drew this fatal sword to prove they did not represent America. But, sir, I beg pardon for deviating so far from the business of the day as to talk of reconciliation, peace, and commerce; for I understand the noble Lord does still persist he can, by force of arms, recover the trade and amity of the Colonies. I think they will continue to show us that by such methods it is impracticable to attain those ends; but even were it possible he should succeed, permit me to say, (if, as a seaman, I may be indulged in a professional comparison,) I could never approve of that pilot who, when he might have steered the vessel through a safe and pleasant channel, directs her course amongst rocks and quicksands, telling me, for my best hope, that he has ingenuity enough to extricate her at last.