Sir, I comprehend that Ministry now apply to Parliament for seventeen thousand Germans to send to America. Good God, for what end? To enslave one hundred and fifty thousand of their own countrymen, many of whom fled from tyrants to seek our protection. And, sir, I speak in moderation; for, passing over Georgia and West-Florida, where they have some considerable settlements, there is Pennsylvania, one of the largest and most flourishing of the Colonies, situated in the finest climate; it is above one-half peopled by Germans, they speak that language and scarcely any English. The German Flats, on the Mohawk River, which extend at the back of New-York and the Jerseys, are very highly cultivated, and esteemed the best lands of any of those Provinces. Some thousands of Germans are the settlers and improvers of that country, and these I have mentioned are the nearest inhabitants to the Five Nations of Indians. They trade with them, speak their language, and it is most natural to suppose they will easily persuade them to take up the hatchet against the King’s forces. The Germans have some considerable settlements on the Connecticut River, but it is true the fewest Germans are in New-England and the Northern Provinces. I do presume, sir, that is the reason why the Congress have not hitherto thought it necessary to call more of them to the Provincial army. I shall only add to this account of the Germans, that the encouragement for them to quit their own country and become settlers in America was so very great that the German Princes found it absolutely necessary to make it death by their laws to carry any more of them out, and the Palatine ships, that used so frequently to convey them, have of late years ceased to arrive at the ports of our Colonies. To conquer and to govern, by military force, these settlers and all the inhabitants of that vast continent, with such a handful of German and British forces, I do, indeed, sir, held to be impracticable; but I think it an excellent opportunity for our hired troops to desert, because they will most likely be offered lands and protection. These warlike transports we are to fit out may, then, be considered as good as the Palatine ships for peopling America with Germans.

I do presume, sir, it is not good policy to hire these foreign troops; first, because they will provoke five times the number of their own countrymen in America, and a great many Indians, to join the Provincial army; secondly, because they will desert and accept of lands, which, when they have done, we have hired troops to fight against ourselves; for surely, when, like those who became settlers before them, they see an uncultivated wild grow fruitful and beautiful under their hands, they will readily join in protecting that property and the just rights of America against the oppressive impositions of an enterprising Ministry. Sir, foreseeing these probable events, having passed some winters and summers in America, and part of that time under hospitable roofs, I think it would be wrong in me to give a silent vote upon the present occasion. But I do not mean to intrude any longer, because there are many able and distinguished men I shall have much more pleasure and satisfaction in listening to than in making any attempt to draw their attention towards me. I shall, therefore, only beg leave to add one more reason why I think it right to give my voice and vote against these measures and against the noble Lord’s motion; which reason is, that I want faith to believe the compliments of foreign Ministers are as good a security for the safeguard of Great Britain, or of Hanover, as the German and British forces that are shamefully to be sent to massacre his Majesty’s injured subjects in America, whilst we are left defenceless both by sea and land.

Mr. Jolliffe said, that as matters now stood, it was impossible to retreat, consequently troops must be had in order to carry the proposed measures into execution. This could not be effected without a sufficient force, and the present being the most feasible means of procuring that force, he could not perceive how it was possible for any person who approved of one, to consistently object to the other.

Mr. George Grenville* observed that he had scarcely been long enough in publick life to fix before now his sentiments relating to America. He had, however, no doubt of the right of Parliament to tax America, and, consequently, must concur in the coercive measures. He was far from approving all the steps Administration had taken, but at present the main point rested on this alternative: Shall we abandon America, or shall we recover our sovereignty over that country? The expense was, to be sure, heavy, and the terms now before us hard; but if we did not consent to relinquish all our pretensions at once, we had better make one effort more; and if we miscarried, we should, in that event, be little worse than if we henceforth desisted from all further pretensions.

Governour Johnstone insisted that the measure of hiring foreigners to butcher fellow-subjects was equally impolitick and cruel; that it would answer no end but that of increasing the burdens of the people, already too heavy for the nation to bear. He contended that the paper credit of America was full as good as ours, and would answer every effectual purpose that the paper credit of Great Britain possibly could. He was surprised to hear an honourable member describe paper credit as one of the great pillars of this nation; he contended that a love of liberty was sufficient to surmount all difficulties, and instanced the case of the Dutch in the resistance they made to the oppression and tyranny of the Spaniads, who, on their recognition as a free State by their cruel taskmasters, were indebted in no less a sum than ninety millions sterling.

Lord North expressed his surprise at hearing so much stress laid on the impropriety of carrying on a war against our fellow-subjects. For his part, he always imagined that a civil war called most urgently for speedy and effectual suppression. Such wars were no novelties in this country. Were not the Irish our fellow-subjects in 1690? Were not the Scotch so in 1715 and 1745? And did any person ever assign it as a reason that those rebellions should not be crushed, because the Rebels were our fellow-subjects? He insisted that the cases of America and the United Provinces were extremely different; that the latter was privately abetted, and publickly supported; and yet, if her commerce had been cut off, notwithstanding all the aid she derived from her powerful friends, (as that of America shortly would be,) she must have been obliged to submit.

Mr. Fox observed that the noble Lord was never twice in the same temper, nor of the same opinion. A few nights ago his Lordship confessed he could not promise but that some foreign power might interfere; and now he reasoned as if he was certain that America would be cut off from all publick or private support of foreign powers. He wished his Lordship would take one side or other of the argument, and adhere to it; for if he granted the possibility of such an interference, then his whole argument amounted to just nothing. If, on the other hand, he was certain of a strict neutrality on the part of France and Spain, he begged never again to hear a syllable of a possibility of their interfering in the present disputes.

Lord George Germaine defended the measure, on the ground of necessity. He quoted a number of precedents, to show that in every war or rebellion we had recourse to foreigners to fight our battles and to support our Government. His Lordship adverted particularly to the several treaties, the number of troops employed, and the terms on which they were hired, and the services in which they were employed.

Lord Barrington supported the motion, because he owned that recruits could not be procured on any terms. The bargain was not so advantageous as he could have wished; but it was the best that could be made. They had prescribed the terms, and we were compelled by necessity to accept of them.

Colonel Barré reminded the noble Lord of the assurance he gave on a former occasion, that no foreign troops were meant to be employed. He hoped he would not resort to his old apology, that he was not of the Cabinet; or, if he should, that he would never more pass his own speculations on the House as originating from those in the Cabinet who were supposed to authorize him to give those assurances. He turned, then, to the Minister, and was severe on him and his colleagues, telling them plainly that they were not fit to conduct the affairs of a great nation, either in peace or war. He attacked the treaties, and those who advised them, and pointed out the great danger of introducing such a number of foreigners into the kingdom, alluding to the case of Francis I, of France, among many others, who experienced the inconveniences of so hazardous an experiment.

Lord Barrington denied his giving any such assurances to the House as stated by the honourable gentleman who

*Afterwards Earl Temple, and in 1784 created Marquis of Buckingham.