Lord Clare said, it was the first time he ever heard a Minister called to promise for events it was impossible for any man to foretell. The whole force now sending to America might be cut off, or it might not suffer the loss of a single man; but, in either event, it was plain that we should not be obliged to pay for more men than were in actual service.

Sir J. G. Griffin allowed that the noble Lord’s observation was very just. It could not be supposed that we were to be at the expense of recruiting, and be obliged to pay for levies that were not complete; but yet it seemed a little extraordinary that the noble Lord in office should have expressed himself so cautiously on a matter, which, if it had not been mentioned, did not, in his opinion, leave the least foundation for ambiguity or misrepresentation.

Governour Johnstone was severe on Administration: whether we had a double Cabinet, or had not, he would not pretend to determine; but he was certain that we had a double Administration, or the same men presented two faces, according as it answered their present convenience, or suited their present views. One Minister [Lord Hillsborough] assured the Americans, in the most solemn manner, that it was never the intention or wish of this country to tax them. The other [Lord North] had the other night, in debate, openly and decisively declared, that America ought and should submit to be taxed by the British Parliament, and to every law this country might think proper to pass for her future government and regulation.

General Conway observed, it was true enough that the noble Lord [Hillsborough] had broken his word with America; and so had Administration, as approving of the Circular Letter, in which every claim to taxation was formally renounced; but, for his part, it appeared to him from the very beginning, whatever assurances to the contrary might have been given or held out to the present moment, that what the country gentlemen avow to be their motives for prosecuting the war against America, were likewise the great objects Administration had in view. Administration told the country gentlemen, Support us, and we will ensure you a revenue from America. The country gentlemen are now giving that support, in expectation of getting a revenue, of which, perhaps, they will never see a shilling; or, if they should, never to be of the least service in lightening those heavy burdens of which they now so loudly complain.

Mr. Fox attacked the Minister on his frequent breach of promise ever since he came into office; not but, in his opinion, he was full as much bound by a promise when he was only Chancellor of the Exchequer, as since he became first Lord of the Treasury. He was not deserving of the first, if he could retain an office, the very essence of which was to look into and take care of the publick finances of the nation, and yet permit a letter which at once gave up and surrendered so fundamental a right of the British Parlament as the right of taxation was now contended to be; for either he approved of the letter in question, or he did not. If he did, how can he now come and contradict his former opinion, when he and his colleague’s approbation of that letter is, perhaps, the very cause of the present civil war? Or, if he never approved of the letter, how could he, consistently with his own honour, remain in a situation in which he was virtually pledged for a true and faithful performance of its contents? Why not resign, sooner than give his concurrence in Council to measures which he secretly disapproved?

Lord North denied that he was bound by any man’s promise but his own. It did not become him to disclose the secrets of his office, or betray the confidence that had been reposed in him. It was enough for him now to declare that he never gave either promise or assurance, and that, consequently, he had not broken any.

The House divided. The yeas went forth:

So it was resolved in the affirmative.

The said Resolutions being accordingly severally read a second time, were, upon the question severally put thereup on, agreed to by the House.

Colonel Barré then moved, “That an humble Address be presented to his Majesty, humbly to recommend to his Majesty, that he will be graciously pleased to use his endeavours, that such foreign Troops as are now, or may hereafter be employed in his service, be clothed with the manufactures of Great Britain,“

It was resolved in the affirmative.

Ordered, That the said Address be presented to his Majesty by such members of this House as are of his Majesty’s most honourable Privy Council.

HOUSE OF LORDS.

Friday, February 16, 1776.

The Lord Viscount Weymouth (by his Majesty’s command) laid before the House:

“Copy of a Treaty between his Majesty and the Reigning Duke of Brunswick, signed at Brunswick, the 9th of January, 1776; and Translation.

“Note concerning the Levy Money; and Translation.

“Copy of a Treaty between his Majesty and the Landgrave of Hesse Cassel, signed at Cassel, the 15th of January, 1776; and Translation.

“Copy of a Treaty between his Majesty and the Hereditary Prince of Hesse Cassel, signed at Hanau, the 5th of February, 1776; and Translation.“

And the Titles thereof being read by the Clerk,

Ordered, That the said Treaties do lie on the table.

Tuesday, March 5,1776.

The Order of the Day being read, for the Lords to be summoned:

The Duke of Richmond moved, “That the following Address be presented to his Majesty,” (videlicet:)

“Most Gracious Sovereign:

“We, your Majesty’s most dutiful and loyal subjects, the Lords spiritual and temporal in Parliament assembled, humbly beg leave to represent to your Majesty, that it is with the utmost concern we have seen the Treaties which your Majesty, by the advice of your Ministers, has been pleased to enter into with their Serene Highnesses the Duke of Brunswick, the Landgrave of Hesse Cassel, and the Count of Hanau, and which your Majesty has been graciously pleased to communicate to this House.

“We beg leave humbly to represent to your Majesty the sense we entertain of the danger and disgrace attending this inconsiderate measure, when it has been judged necessary, in the first exertions of Great Britain to subjugate her Colonies, to hire an army of foreign mercenaries, acknowledging to all Europe that these kingdoms are unable, either from want of men or from disinclination to this service, to furnish a competent number of natural-born subjects to make the first campaign. And it is a melancholy consideration, that the drawing off the national troops (though feeble for the unhappy purpose on which they are employed) will yet leave these kingdoms naked and exposed to the assault and invasion of powerful neighbouring and rival nations.

“And we further beg leave humbly to submit to your Majesty, that if the justice and equity of this unnatural war was not questioned by so large a part of your Majesty’s subjects, yet a reconciliation with the Colonies, though attended with some concessions, would be more agreeable to sound policy, than to entrust the prosecution of hostilities to foreigners, in whom we cannot confide, and who, when they are at so great a distance from their own country, and suffering under the distresses of war wherein they have no interest or concern, and with so many temptations to exchange vassalage for freedom, will be more likely to mutiny or desert, than to unite faithfully, and co-operate with your Majesty’s natural-born subjects.

“We ought not to conceal from your Majesty the anxiety we feel on the latitude of the articles in the several treaties which stipulate the power in your Majesty of employing these troops in any part of Europe. Means are hereby provided for introducing a foreign army even into this realm; and we cannot so far confide in your Majesty’s Ministers, as to suppose they would be very scrupulous in advising such a measure, since they have already introduced foreign troops into two of our strongest fortresses, and have offered to bring four thousand more foreigners into the kingdom of Ireland, without the consent of the British Parliament.

“That we have, moreover, just reason to apprehend that when the Colonies come to understand that Great Britain