is forming alliances, and hiring foreign troops for their destruction, they may think they are well justified by the example in endeavouring to avail themselves of the like assistance, and that France, Spain, Prussia, or other Powers of Europe, may conceive they have as good a right as Hesse, Brunswick, and Hanau, to interfere in our domestick quarrels; and if the flames of a war from these proceedings should be kindled in Europe, which we fear is too probable, we reflect with horrour upon the condition of this country, under circumstances wherein she may be called upon to resist the formidable attack of powerful enemies, which may require the exertion of her whole force, at a time when the strength and flower of the nation is employed in fruitless expeditions on the other side of the world.

“That the treaty, by stipulating not only to give to the Landgrave of Hesse, in case of attack or disturbance in the possession of his territories, all the succour which shall be in your Majesty’s power to give, but likewise to continue such succour until the Landgrave shall have obtained entire security, and a just indemnification, lays this kingdom under a necessity of taking part in every quarrel upon the continent, in which his Serene Highness may happen to be engaged, and that without any equivalent consideration to make the contract reciprocal, as this Island can expect no assistance in any of her wars from an inconsiderable sovereignty in the heart of Germany, from which more troops are already drawn than she is able to replace for her own defence, and whose revenues are not sufficient to maintain even those she has lent, without the aid of subsidy. We conceive, therefore, that this engagement of Great Britain to defend and indemnify, must be considered as part of the price she is to pay for the hire of these troops. If this article of charges (which cannot be estimated) be added to the enormous expenses of levy money, charges of making good the losses of the several corps, ordinary and extraordinary subsidies, and their continuation after the troops are returned to their respective countries, and can be of no use to Great Britain,—we may say with truth, that Great Britain never before entered into a treaty so expensive, so unequal, so dishonourable, and so dangerous in its consequences.

“We therefore humbly implore your Majesty to give immediate orders for stopping the march of the Hessian, Brunswick, and Hanau Troops, and for a suspension of hostilities in America, in order to lay the foundation of a speedy and permanent reconciliation between the great contending parts of this distracted empire.”

It was moved, “To agree with the said motion.”

The Duke of Richmond again rose, and apologized for the trouble he was going to give their Lordships. He expressed a consciousness of his own inability, and a wish that others more equal to the task had stood forward at this tremendous crisis; a crisis which he feared would decide the fate of this great empire forever. He lamented the absence of the Marquis of Rockingham and the Earl of Chatham. The latter, when this nation was on the brink of destruction, rescued it from impending ruin; and not resting there, gave a lustre to our arms, and an efficacy and steadiness to our councils, never before known in the annals of this country. The other of them, a noble Marquis, [of Rockingham,] who, in a season of publick distraction, presided at the head of the national councils, with honour to himself and satisfaction to the nation; and though his Administration was of but short continuance, had the good fortune to quit his station with a consciousness of having healed those unhappy disputes which threatened the empire with the most serious and alarming consequences; but which have since broken out with redoubled vigour and malignity. He was aware how much he should feel the absence and consequent support of the two noble Lords, in prosecuting the business of this day; but however unequal to the attempt himself, he deemed it a part of his duty, and without considering minutely all the consequences, he should, in discharge of that duty, abandon and renounce every collateral consideration whatever, and do what he could, instead of effecting what he might wish.

The justice of the American war, the rights of the mother country, and the claims of America, had been so frequently and so amply discussed, that he should avoid, as much as possible, every fact and argument that could possibly tend to introduce those subjects into the present debate. He should endeavour to confine himself to the terms of his motion respecting the treaties, and only advert to such parts of the conduct of Administration, and the means hitherto adopted in the prosecution of the war, as directly applied to them. The first ground he took was, giving a short history of the several treaties entered into with the Landgraves of Hesse, beginning with that made in the year 1702, and ending with those several explanations and modifications of that made at the commencement of the late war, and down so late as the year 1761, when his Serene Highness was indemnified for the losses sustained in his Landgraviate, by that country being frequently made by the enemy the seat of war. In this historical detail his Grace showed that the successive Landgraves, from time to time, rose in their demands, and still as they continued to extort better terms, they never failed to establish the former extortion as a precedent for the basis of the succeeding treaty, always taking care to make some new demand on this country. This, he insisted, was the case of the present. The preceding treaty to a subsidy added its continuance to a certain period. The one now under consideration doubled the subsidy. His Grace then entered into several computations on the different heads of pay, levy money, subsidy, victualling, and transport service for the troops, which he affirmed would amount to one million one hundred and sixty-nine thousand pounds, and that this, with transport service for the victuallers, would make one million two hundred and thirty thousand pounds; and if the other articles under the head of contingencies, &c., were included, the expense of which could not now be ascertained, he had little doubt that the whole would be full one million and a half. He contended that this was a most enormous sum for the assistance of only seventeen thousand three hundred men, an expense, he would venture to maintain, considering the number to be employed, not known in the history of mankind. Those matters, however serious in the present miserable state of our finances, and the enormous load of publick burdens we groan under, were not what pressed so forcibly on his mind. It was the tenour of the treaties, the ambiguous terms they were worded in some places, the dangerous precedents they established or glided in, that principally called forth his attention, and gave rise to his fears. He observed with grief and the best founded jealousy, that an overruling influence had for some years pervaded our councils; that this influence had been exercised in effecting measures of a most dangerous and dark complexion; that it sometimes made its approaches by stealth, at other times rendered itself visible in open day, and proceeded to acts of violence. Hanoverians had been brought into the dominions of the British Crown, without consent of Parliament. An attempt was made to introduce a body of foreigners into Ireland, which miscarried. He understood that the same attempt would be repeated, though he did not pretend to authenticate it as a matter of fact. And if any doubt remained, the present treaties afforded ample matter for serious alarm. In the first place, he observed that they were formed on no sound principle of alliance or reciprocal support. It is true they were said to be formed on the basis of mutual succour and support, but those expressions imported nothing; they were mere words of course. It was a downright mercenary bargain for the taking into pay a certain number of hirelings, who were bought and sold like so many beasts for slaughter. There was no common interest which mutually bound the parties; and if there was, the conduct of the foreign Princes was the most extraordinary that was ever known. They were to be subsidized. They were to have levy money. They were to have a double subsidy. Their corps were to be kept up complete. They were to be paid till the troops returned to their respective countries; and the subsidies were to be continued, according to the tenour of the respective treaties, one or two years after the troops ceased to be of any service to us. But taking it on the other ground, that the treaties were formed on the true basis of alliance, what would be the consequence? That if any of those Powers were attacked, or should wantonly provoke an attack, for the engagement was left general and unconditional, we should give them all the succour in our power. Thus, for the assistance of a few thousand foreign mercenaries, we are not only to pay double, but are to enter into a solemn engagement to exert our whole force, to give them all the succour in our power, if the Landgrave or Duke shall be attacked or disturbed in the possession of his dominions.

His Grace begged next to recall to the memory of their