Lordships, the language held by the friends of the present measures towards the close of the late war. He said a very ingenious gentleman [Mr. Mauduit] at that period wrote a pamphlet, entitled “Considerations on the German War,” in which he introduced several computations of the cost of every French scalp to this nation; and made it amount to ten thousand pounds per head. He therefore recommended to the noble Lords, who then approved of that gentleman’s estimate, to consider what an American scalp would cost, when seventeen thousand foreigners would stand us in at the rate of one million and a half per annum. He observed he had many noble Lords in his eye, who professed themselves of that opinion. One noble Lord, now absent, [Lord Bute,] made use of the very arguments here adverted to, in debate, and a noble Duke, [of Bedford,] now deceased, maintained the same opinions. He remembered, a little after, when we were victorious in every quarter of the globe, when all we wanted was money, and all we had to contend with was climate to prevent us from possessing ourselves of the whole of Spanish America, the same two noble Lords and their friends justified the peace, on no other ground but our inability to raise new taxes. They allowed that conquest was certain, but that the national debt was enormous. Where, then, was the material change of circumstances, after the conclusion of the present campaign, when the debt, which was, after a thirteen years’ peace, not reduced above seven millions, where the conquest was not certain, and where if it were, it would be a conquest over our own subjects, operating to our own ruin, unaccompanied by either fame or advantage? Would not we, then, as at the close of the last war, be in a situation when even to prosecute certain conquest would be the height of folly and political phrensy?

His Grace remarked on the danger of keeping a body of twelve thousand foreigners together, under the absolute command of one of their own Generals; of the possibility, though he should consent to serve under a junior officer, of his arriving to the supreme command; and of the confusion which might be created by a difference on this head, between the foreign General and the Commander-in-Chief. He laid great stress on that passage in the Hessian treaty, in which it is provided, Article 9th, “that his Majesty shall make use of this body of troops by land in Europe wherever he shall judge proper.” He said he could not see what operations they could be employed in, unless it were in this country, in case of a rebellion or a revolt, which none foresaw but the advisers of the present measures. The foreign troops were to bo double officered, which was another weighty and useless expense; that is, every company of one hundred men were to have two Captains, two Lieutenants, two Second Lieutenants, and two Ensigns, and so in proportion of servants, &c.; so that, out of the whole number, upwards of three thousand men were not to be rank and file, contrary to every rule of war, which, in a given number of men, endeavours to render the rank and file as numerous as the nature of the service will possibly allow; because it is on them that the weight of attack or defence generally rests. It is so in our own troops, and has always been an established usage, never to allow more than four officers to a corps of one hundred men.

His Grace made some observations on the supercession of the several officers in the naval and military departments, in which he maintained, that nothing like it had ever happened in the British service, without complaints or without inquiry. Great faults had been found with General Gage and Admiral Graves; the miscarriages which happened were imputed to their want of conduct; yet no charge is made against them, but they are recalled. To keep up the farce, the former is received coolly, but in a few days after a new commission is made out, appointing him Commander-in-Chief; and in a few days again, without any cause even pretended, for there could be none, as he remained on the spot, he is superseded, and General Howe appointed in his room. Yet that is not the best of it; Admiral Shuldham is appointed to succeed Admiral Graves; but before he could take possession of this command he is superseded, and Lord Howe appointed in his room. Such an extraordinary conduct was surely never known; but perhaps the superseded Admiral might think himself easy under this indignity, if what was reported was true, that he was to be created an Irish Peer. For the honour, however, of the noble Lord at the head of the Admiralty, he hoped his Lordship would explain this last official riddle, and fairly, and with his usual candour, inform the House, whether those arrangements originated from him, or whether he was really overruled in the Cabinet.

This changing, appointing, and superseding, besides the instability it denoted, presented another matter well worthy their Lordships’ consideration. It showed that the service was disagreeable on one hand, or that the superior officers were passed by and neglected on the other. He said, there were some officers of long service and tried abilities present, as well as several others of high rank in the army. He would be glad to know from them, what were the motives that induced Administration to pass by the senior officers, and devolve the command upon a very young Major-General. He knew that it must proceed either from an aversion to the service in them, or a total want of respect to their persons from those in power.

Much stress had been laid on the justice and popularity of the present measures. He should not debate that subject now. It was said that the independent part of the nation were for them; but he questioned the assertion strongly in the extent it was contended; for in the other House, he was informed that the Treasurer of the Navy, (Sir Gilbert Elliot,) and the Paymaster of the forces, (Mr. Rigby,) the one deriving his support and consequence from the Cabinet, and the other from his party, and both deeply interested in measures which, if pursued, must shortly be the means of procuring for them princely fortunes, were those who chiefly supported coercive measures. Those gentlemen and their connections, with the whole race of money-jobbers, contractors, &c., he believed, formed no small part of the “independent” majorities which had been so loudly echoed both within and without doors, as precipitating this country into a cruel, expensive, and unnatural civil war.

He observed, that the war, if carried on, would not only be a war of heavy expense and long continuance, but would be attended with circumstances of cruelty, civil rage, and devastation, hitherto unprecedented in the annals of mankind. We were not only to rob the Americans of their property, and make them slaves to fight our battles, but we made war on them in a manner which would shock the most barbarous nations, by firing their towns, and turning out the wretched inhabitants to perish in cold, want, and nakedness. Even still more, this barbarick rage was not only directed against our enemies, but our warmest and most zealous friends. This he instanced in the late conflagration of the loyal town of Norfolk, in Virginia, as Administration had so frequently called it, which was reduced to ashes by the wanton act of one of our naval commanders. Such an act was no less inconsistent with every sentiment of humanity, than contrary to every rule of good policy. It would turn the whole continent, as well friends as foes, into the most implacable and inveterate enemies. It would incense our friends, and render our enemies at once fierce, desperate, cruel, and unrelenting. It disgraced our arms; it would render us despised and abhorred, and remain an indelible blot on the dignity and honour of the English nation.

His Grace stated some passages in the treaties, and commented on them very fully, where such passages explained matters which might be productive of disagreements between the foreign and native troops, and stated the omissions that had been purposely or ignorantly made, particularly in regard to a cartel for the exchange of prisoners. He said that matter had been totally passed over in silence; and if any punishments should be inflicted on those who, by the language of Parliament, were called Rebels, the consequences might be dreadful. He alluded to the case of Ethan Allen, who, being found in arms, was brought home prisoner; yet Administration dared not bring him to a trial, even under their favourite Act of Henry VIII, either because they knew that he could not be legally tried, or feared an English jury could not be prevailed on to find him guilty. Be that as it may, the present treaties were extremely defective in that point; and if Administration were not obstinately determined to act wrong in every particular, they would endeavour to provide against the numerous inconveniences which must arise from a want of a cartel.

He concluded, by informing their Lordships that what he was now going to state might be deemed improper, as exposing our national weakness; but if it was essentially necessary, he presumed that objection would be removed;

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