the evil was felt, and he and some other gentlemen in the direction determined to provide some means of removing it. The Court of Directors at length agreed to advertise the contracts, and the consequence was, that they not only made a very considerable saying, but the articles were much better that were furnished in this way than before the contracts were laid open. He recommended this, or some other similar plan, to the Minister, and assured him that very singular advantages would accrue thereby to the pub-lick, as the articles would be both cheaper and of superior quality. He concluded with observing that jobbers and contractors were at once the disgrace and curse of this country, a well-authenticated instance of which happened during the late war, of a person whose contract amounted only to one million three hundred thousand pounds, but whose net profits were full eight hundred thousand pounds.

Sir Joseph Mowbey bestowed almost every opprobrious epithet in the English language on the American war. He said it was cruel, unjust, villanous, and he trusted God and man would unite in reprobating it. He was no less severe on its advisers and conductors. He observed that the noble Lord who had lately presided in the department to which American affairs more peculiarly belonged, was too honest and conscientious to persist in so bloody and inhuman a business. He abhorred the thought of imbruing his hands in the blood of his innocent, unoffending fellow-subjects, and resigned his office sooner than co-operate in so flagitious a work. It is true, he was succeeded by a noble Lord now sitting opposite, [Lord George Germaine,] who, he presumed, imagined he was acting right, but whose schemes of unconditional submission he hoped he would never be able to effect. He observed that the majorities who daily sanctioned the present measures would sorely repent of it; and he recommended the country gentlemen to seriously reflect on the consequences when the additional shilling on the land would not half defray the account of extraordinaries, which was at present the subject of consideration. If, then, such an enormous expense was incurred for the maintenance of six thousand men confined in Boston, would any person rise and say that the whole of six shillings in the pound, instead of four, would defray even the extraordinaries of the army that was to be employed in the course of the ensuing campaign? It was plain it could not, for it was already confessed that the extraordirraries would amount to four millions, and a land-tax of six shillings in the pound would be considerably short of three, perhaps not quite two-and-a-half, after allowing for the deficiencies. Where, then, are the supplies to come from? You cannot devise a tax that will not cause a defalcation in some other. The excise and customs will not produce a single shilling more; and if they should, your trade, manufactures, and commerce, will be ruined, if you attempt to lay on any new duties. He then addressed himself to Lord Howe and General Burgoyne, and after giving testimony to their personal worth, expressed his astonishment that such men would be concerned in so infamous and diabolical a business; and owned, that however he might esteem them as men, he wished that they might not succeed; but that the cause of justice, humanity, freedom, and the Constitution, might prevail. Administration might pride themselves in their great majorities; but he trusted the day was not far off when they would be brought to a just and severe account for the ruin and destruction in which they were wantonly involving their country, in order to accomplish a detestable plan of despotism.

Governour Johnstone was very severe on contracts and contractors, particularly in relation to two articles in the account paid to Mr. A. Bacon, for the hire of negroes in the Ceded Islands. This, he said, was a most shameful squandering of publick money. He observed, likewise, on an article of four thousand pounds drawn by the Superintendent of Indian Affairs upon the Receiver-General of Canada.

Sir Grey Cooper said this was the usual mode. The only difference it made was, that instead of drawing on the Treasury, where the account was audited, and sent back with an order to the Receiver-General, in the present instance the money was drawn immediately from the Receiver-General; but the Superintendent’s account was still open to inspection, and he remained subject to be made accountable for the expenditure of any sums thus obtained.

Lord North answered Governour Johnstone respecting the negro contract. He said this expense was incurred mostly in the Ceded Islands, and was near expiring, as the purposes for which the negroes were employed—that of clearing the Crown lands, and opening communications from one part of the Islands to the other—were nearly completed.

Mr. Pownall (Secretary to the Board of Trade) gave a further explanation relative to the expense of the Superintendent of Indian Affairs. He said that presents were made to several Indian tribes—to the Six-Nations, and other Western Indians; that the articles of which those presents consisted were usually purchased here; that he was the person who formerly provided them, but on account of the present situation of affairs in America, it was thought more convenient to have them provided on the spot; and that was the true cause of that article making its appearance in the account. The presents commonly consisted of glass-beads, cutlery, &c.

Mr. Vyner replied to the address made to the country gentlemen, and said, as being included in that number, he was much obliged to the honourable gentleman [Sir J. Mawbey] for his advice; but for his own part, though the land tax next year should be six shillings in the pound, or double that, he was willing to contribute his share, as on a former occasion; for if the supremacy of this country was to be preserved fully in its constitutional extent, no means proper to effect it ought to be neglected or left untried. As to the question, what did those gentlemen expect in return? He, for one, fairly and openly declared, that he expected America would be taxed for the purpose of raising a revenue, both to defray the expenses of a war this country was wantonly forced into in the assertion of her own rights, and towards relieving us of the burdens incurred by protecting the Colonies during the late war. He insisted, besides, that the legislative power of this country, independent of the reasons now stated, could never be maintained, if the exercise of it was not to be coupled with a tax submitted to by America, as the clearest acknowledgment of the general controlling and governmental power of Great Britain. Before he sat down, he begged leave to be understood, that his complaisance and unlimited confidence, however willing he might be to grant money for the purpose of carrying on the war, did not extend so far as the honourable gentleman who spoke first in this debate, [Mr. Hartley,] for he would never consent to give a Commander-in-Chief, or any other officer, an unlimited right to draw or make requisitions; for though he was willing to contribute largely, he still reserved to himself the power of judging and controlling the expenditure and application of the money thus granted.

Mr. Tuffnell spoke of several articles in the account: so much for sour-crout; so much for small-beer; and several thousand pounds for pepper and vinegar alone. Such a waste of publick money was to the last degree shameful; and it was no way wonderful that the Minister should have the great majorities he had, when he had it in his power, by so many different means, to influence the Representatives of the people. He then took a view of the intended operations, and showed, that nothing decisive could possibly be effected in the course of the ensuing campaign, as the troops would not arrive at their respective places of destination till at the end of two, four, and perhaps six months. That post must be secured, and communications opened; and consequently the expense of the present year would be lost, or at least only lay a foundation for the operations of the succeeding. Then, taking the matter purely on the ground laid down by the promoters of the present measures, it would amount to this: that after the expense of this campaign, which was already allowed to be ten, though he had strong reason to believe it would be fifteen millions, we should commence operations in the year 1777 effectually; and supposing the success predicted should be the case, and that no one possible event should happen to interrupt our designs, that America should be reduced to the unconditional submission contended for by the noble Lord lately come into office, [Lord G. Germaine,] the consequence would be, that we should incur a debt of between thirty and forty millions; a sum, he prophesied, much more than ever we should be able to reimburse ourselves, by all the taxes we could ever expect to draw from that country. He doubted much, therefore, whether the honourable gentleman’s [Mr. Vyner] thirteen shillings, or more, in the pound, would