be sufficient to bear the expense of such an undertaking; or if he would ever see a shilling of the money he was now so ready to grant for the purpose of coercing America, return in any form whatever.

Lord Irnham said, it was really shameful that gentlemen, members of that House, should have the contracts that now appeared. He alluded in particular to that of the negroes, and the sour-crout. He wished sincerely, that the account was printed, that the nation might see how they were plundered and fleeced, in order to gratify and enrich a set of mercenary and rapacious contractors, who were raising immense fortunes, drawn from the very vitals of the people; and that he was not surprised to hear a certain set of men, the preceding evening, express themselves so warm for coercive measures, and so eager to grant away the publick money. He did not know by what appellation to describe them. They were not country gentlemen, nor placemen, nor pensioners, nor King’s friends; but they were worse than all: they were at present the disgrace, and would in the end occasion the total ruin of this country.

Mr. Burke said a few words respecting the caution expressed by an honourable gentleman, who professed himself a country gentleman; and said he was surprised to hear him adopt the very language used by the people of America; that is, we will grant you aids or supplies, but we will reserve to ourselves a control over the expenditure, and be the judges of the quantum to be granted, and the mode of application. He believed, therefore, the gentleman was very snug and secure in his offer of a thirteen shillings in the pound land tax, on this condition; for it amounted to just nothing, while he reserved to himself the power of refusing it whenever he thought proper. He said that, as by the curious items in the account, he imagined the army in Boston had a sufficient supply of broccoloes, cabbages, sour-crout, and a few asparagus, there was no occasion for keeping open a begging subscription for the purpose of procuring those necessaries, when the nation had already made such ample provision. On this ground he should submit two resolutions to the consideration of the House, which would, he presumed, put this matter in a clear light.

Mr. Burke moved, That it appears to this House, that the Extraordinary Expenses, (contained in the Account of Extraordinary Services incurred and paid by the Right Honourable Richard Rigby, Paymaster-General of his Majesty’s Forces, between the 9th of March, 1775, and the 31st of January, 1776, and not provided for by Parliament,) amounting to eight hundred and forty-five thousand one hundred and sixty-five Pounds fourteen Shillings and eight Pence one Farthing, have been incurred, for the greater part, for services within the Town of Boston, in North-America.

It passed in the negative.

Mr. Burke then moved, That it appears to this House, that ample provision has been made by the publick for the accommodation and comfort of the Troops serving within the Town of Boston, which made the levying any further money upon, or begging any from the subject, on that pretence, unnecessary.

It passed in the negative.

The Resolutions reported from the Committee of the Whole, being read a second time, were, upon the question put severally thereupon, agreed to by the House.

HOUSE OF LORDS.

* Thursday, March 14, 1776.

The Order of the Day being read, for the Lords to be summoned:

The Duke of Grafton said: My Lords, before I explain to your Lordships the intention of the present motion, and the grounds on which I propose to maintain it, I shall, with your Lordships’ permission, explain something which passed in this House the last day I had the honour to address your Lordships, respecting my supposed conduct relative to the Tea Act in the year 1769, when it was proposed in the Cabinet to procure a repeal of it, along with the other duties laid on in 1767. I am within your Lordships’ recollection, that I then asserted, that when the matter was debated in Council, I was overruled and out-voted, but was contradicted by a noble Viscount, [Lord Weymouth,] whom I now see in his place. Having spoken from memory, though I was certain I was right, joined to the very late hour of the night when the matter alluded to was mentioned, I declined to answer the noble Viscount, or to corroborate my first assertion with any further facts or particulars. Being, however, uneasy till I had inquired further into the circumstances of that important transaction, I searched among my papers, and there found a note of it, sent me by a noble Lord then at the head of the American Department, [Lord Hillsborough,] by which it appears, that the numbers in the Cabinet were not equal, as the noble Viscount asserted, but that I was overruled and out-voted by a majority on the proposition of repealing that tax, which, as I then foresaw, would be productive of the worst consequences; and which now is the occasion of the present unhappy disputes, that threaten to overwhelm this country in ruin and destruction. I thought it my duty to submit this true state of that momentous business to your Lordships, lest any of you should think that I had either negligently asserted, or designedly misrepresented it. If the noble Viscount should differ from me on the fact, as I now have stated it, I wish it may be understood, that he will rise immediately and contradict me, before I proceed further, or that his silence may be construed into an acquiescence; because I would not wish your Lordships interrupted by any thing which relates immediately to myself, in the course of the debate. As to the measure now proposed, I trust you will perceive the necessity of adopting it; and that you will believe me, when I most solemnly and earnestly assure you, that nothing but a thorough conviction on my part, that it, or some other measure of a similar nature, is the only possible means now left of averting the destruction which seems suspended over the heads of the people of this devoted unhappy country. It is evidently formed on the principles of humanity, equity, and sound policy, and opens a door for reconciliation, and for settling the differences now subsisting between both countries, on terms of lasting amity, founded in reciprocal affection, and cemented by mutual interest. It will be the means of sheathing the sword now drawn, perhaps never again to be returned to the scabbard, till a deluge of blood is spilt, and either Great Britain or America, or both, are brought into such a state as may inevitably produce their separate or total destruction. I contemplate with horrour the consequences of the bloody conflict, should matters be pushed to extremities; in the event of so many thousand men being drawn up against each other, when, on whichever side victory may declare, all true friends of their country, be their political sentiments what they may, will have the most just and melancholy cause of grief and mourning. I would therefore appeal to your Lordships’ humanity, on this supremely critical and important occasion; and implore your interference, for the purpose of averting such dire calamities, and preventing the effusion of human blood; particularly when your Lordships shall take the additional circumstance into consideration, that the most complete success on our part will produce no other effect than wasting our own strength; and that the blood thus shed will not be that of your natural and dangerous enemies, but of your fellow-subjects, of your brethren, of Britons, of a people united with you by every tie of fraternal affection, every motive of common interest, and every principle of common defence, protection, and support.

In point of equity, my Lords, I believe, since the new doctrine of an unconditional submission has been broached by a noble Lord [George Germaine] in another House, (for I affirm, till he was called to office it was never openly avowed or maintained in either House of Parliament,) your Lordships will be of opinion, that it would be but equitable to let the people of America know what are now the sentiments

* This day will, perhaps, hereafter be considered as one of the most important in the English history. It deeply fixed a new colour upon our publick affairs. It was decisive, on this side of the Atlantick, with respect to America; and may possibly hereafter be compared with, and considered as preliminary to, that on which, unhappily, in a few months after, the independence of that continent was declared on the other. Administration now, and their numerous friends, totally changed their style and language upon that subject. All modifications were laid aside; all former opinions and declarations done away; conciliation, they said, was little less than impracticable; and that if anything could be added to the difficulties of such a scheme, it would be by concession. The tone of the House of Lords was much higher than that of the House of Commons had ever been, although the language was grown much more firm and determined there also than it had been at the beginning of the session. No alternative now seemed to be left between absolute conquest and unconditional submission.—Ann. Reg.