Generals of the opposite armies, which might be very proper, remains untold. But the important fact is told, that Britain has lost the only place of arms from whence she could with advantage begin her operations against the northern Colonies; and that Washington, with his army whole, entire, unchecked, unbroken, does possess it. It matters little whether General Howe is gone to Halifax with a few more guns, or a few less; some heavy artillery, I am informed, was left; but I will venture to assert that no army so circumstanced ever did make a retreat without some loss and damage of various necessaries of war. My Lords, I wish not to excite any unnecessary unpleasant feelings; but, my Lords, every seaman I have spoken with is in pain for that fleet—so crowded, so short of provisions, forced into a boisterous sea in the most boisterous season. The very storm that was so great in the harbour as to prevent the attack of the enemy’s batteries, justifies the dread of what may happen. Suppose the Army safe at Halifax, can it be supposed they are in a situation capable, immediately, to take the field? Thus, then, is the great power of the Northern Colonies, against whom was particularly pointed the thunder of this country, freed from its present vengeance. It cannot be doubted but that this retreat is of great advantage to the enemy, is a subject of triumph. Will, your Lordships, then, not think that the slight manner this matter is related to the publick is a scandalous insult, is a neglect of that publick whose blood and treasure are lavished without fruit? I do hope we shall at last rouse, and see with our own eyes, and hear with our own ears, and not place any longer implicit confidence in men who, whatever their intentions may have been, have hitherto not shown that they possess abilities either to maintain peace or well conduct a war.

Permit me, now, my Lords, to take a short review of the present state of America. The army now gone from Boston, the wisest statesmen cannot now for a certainty declare that his Majesty has a regiment in possession of a single post, save that which has wintered in Nova-Scotia. Montgomery’s death preserved for a time Quebeck; yet there are accounts, whose authority there is no reason to doubt, of the beginning of February, that the troops still lay before the place; that the design of attacking it was not abandoned; that reinforcements were coming; that the object was to place a garrison in it so strong as would not be easy to remove; that at Montreal no doubt was made of its being forced to yield. The retreat from Boston leaves Washington at liberty to send large succours, whither, the destination was unknown; but there is intelligence that the very day our troops quitted Boston, a body of several thousand men was detached from the camp. The relief sent from hence of Brunswick and Hanover troops, if destined for Quebeck, cannot arrive there till the breaking up of the ice affords a passage up the river; which, from seamen, I am told, seldom happens till the end of this month. The stroke must probably be decided ere they can possibly reach the place. From Halifax, whose strength is trifling, and whose situation admits not anything to be done by advancing into the country, to the Floridas, nothing remains to his Majesty’s arms but the roving parties with which Dunmore continues his predatory war. I will pass no censure on that noble Lord; but I could wish that he had acted with that generous spirit that forbade Clinton uselessly to destroy the town of New-York. My Lords, Clinton visited New-York; the inhabitants expected its destruction; Lee appeared before it with an army too powerful to be attacked, and Clinton passed by without doing any wanton damage. The friends of Goverment, as they are termed, did attempt some risings; the Congress puts them out of their protection; individuals raise armies, and all commotions in favour of Government are crushed in their birth. Georgia, that till lately took no active part, that last year you assisted with your money, has now declared against you; and, as they came late into the servive, so they seem willing to be active in distinguishing themselves. Your marines attempt to land; they are driven to their boats, and burn the English traders. In Carolina all is armed, all is strong; the last effort in favour of Government, an attempt by a Colonel Mason, with a considerable body of men called Regulators, is resisted by an individual, who arms his followers, meets and defeats him totally, and numbers are thrown into jail.

Thus, from North to South, every place presents an enemy; the coast on which your troops are to land is ravaged, is made a wilderness, where not an army of locusts could subsist. You are, therefore, now to begin the war with an enfeebled army; with the flower of your troops checked, baffled, forced to retreat, you are to attempt to conquer the continent of America. It is as much a war of conquest as if you meditated an invasion on France or Spain. On German mercenaries, on foreign auxiliaries, you are to depend for success in this invasion—on troops not interested in the cause. With these troops so numerous, so secured by treaty, to act in a body, is the English Army to serve, who will probably be inferior to them in number; for from the English must detachments be made, as the service of the war may require. My Lords, I mean no reflection on these troops, but must observe, that success has seldom attended where those most interested in the cause do not fight their own battles; and, from the number of the German troops, they must probably be masters of the operations of the war.

I cannot conclude without a word to the Commission mentioned in the Gazette, What passes the great seal can, I suppose, be no secret; but though I do not know the contents, I do not conceive what powers can be given the Commission without some previous assistance from Parliament, that can be material. Will the great seal, in face of Parliament, give up any of that authority Parliament has been so anxious to assert? Yet, without this, peace cannot be made; or does it merely contain a power of pardoning such as may sue for and be deemed deserving of mercy? Pardon, my Lords, was never sued for by those who, convinced their cause was just, flushed with success, conquest attending on their arms, with troops more numerous than those that are to oppose them, have, in the common course of human probability, hope of continued victory. I will add no more, but that if this unnatural war is long thus ably and obstinately carried on, it is not from Britain America must seek for pardon, but Britain must from America ask forgiveness of the wild ravage her unreasonable claims have made. What I have said to you, my Lords, can arise from no private view, but merely from a sense of publick duty. I wish to see this empire not dismembered; I wish to see our Sovereign’s diadem blaze with every glory which first encircled his Royal head.

His Grace moved, “That an humble Address be presented to his Majesty, that he will be graciously pleased to order the proper officers to lay before this House copies of all Despatches received from General Howe and Admiral Shuldham since the 1st of March last.”

Earl of Suffolk. The true grounds and causes of the present contest with America, have been so frequently and so fully discussed, that I shall not trouble your Lordships to follow the noble Duke through the wide circuit he has taken this day. Your Lordships have already determined, so often in favour of the justice and necessity of prosecuting the present war against our rebellious subjects in that country, that there can be little occasion to enter at present into any review or fresh discussion of so trite a subject; it is not therefore, my Lords, to controvert matters that have been already decided, that I rise, but to give a direct negative to the present motion, because I am of opinion that it cannot be safely complied with, consistently with the interests of this country and the success of our future operations. The letters desired, my Lords, are not merely confined to the professed objects of the present motion; they contain matters of great importance, as well in relation to past transactions, as to plans meant to be carried into execution; these again are so blended and connected with the account of the evacuation of Boston, that it would be impossible to separate one from the other, without laying before your Lordships what would be extremely improper for publick inspection at this season, because it might be the means of defeating those measures which the General and Admiral have determined to pursue. Nothing, I do assure your Lordships, would give me greater satisfaction than to comply with the requisition now made, if it could be done with prudence and safety; not to gratify a mere idle curiosity, but to show your Lordships the abilities of the gentleman who commanded the troops, and to convince you that all the reasonings now so strongly urged have no manner of foundation to support them. Were it proper to lay before your Lordships those accounts, you would not only be surprised