perished on the dreary coasts of America. Supposing, then, that we had no account of the true motives which obliged the General to evacuate Boston, charity would induce us to believe that he would never risk the lives, nay, the very event of the present campaign, perhaps of every future one, upon so senseless, hazardous, and wanton a project.

But, my Lords, if the Gazette account bears every mark of absurdity and improbability, the article which next follows it no less deserves to be treated with contempt. It informs you, that a Commission is granted to Lord Howe and General Howe, to offer pardons and restore peace: that is, after the speech announced that Commissioners would be sent out to treat with America, for the purposes alluded to, seven months are nearly elapsed, the winter and spring are suffered to pass over, before you hear a syllable of the matter; and then, just at the entrance of the campaign, after the nation has been put to the expense of so many millions, the first step towards peace and conciliation is taken. But this, my Lords, is merely to amuse and deceive, and done purely with a view to persuade the nation that peace is in contemplation, in order to counterbalance the disgrace the British arms have suffered. I am glad to hear of peace at all events, though when I first read the Gazette of Saturday, I must fairly own I could hardly forbear laughing at the whole account taken together.

Another thing struck me in the appointment of the Commissioners. No man has a higher opinion of the bravery and military and naval skill of those gentlemen than I have; but I confess I am yet to learn, if there be any serious intention in Government to conciliate matters with America, the propriety of selecting them for the execution of so arduous and weighty an undertaking. I should have imagined that a fitter choice might have been made; or that others, more conversant in negotiation, would have been very properly added. On the whole, my Lords, I think the Gazette does not contain information sufficient to direct you in your future proceedings. I am satisfied that the troops evacuated the town by compulsion, not choice; and consequently, that the present motion is absolutely necessary, and, as such, I shall be for giving it my hearty concurrence.

The Earl of Effingham. My Lords, that Boston was not evacuated from the motives so strongly urged by the noble Earl in office, I trust your Lordships are already perfectly satisfied of. I speak with great diffidence on military matters in the presence of such of your Lordships as, from your long experience, are enabled to be so much better judges; but as nothing has been offered on that part of the subject, your Lordships will, I hope, permit me to state my reasons why I think it was totally impracticable for the troops to remain any longer at Boston with safety, or to quit it without burning the town, or suffering the total loss of their rear guard. The battery opened on Dorchester-Heights, supported by that long since raised on Phipp’s Farm, commanded the greatest part of the town, and upwards of two-thirds of the beach, from which the army was to embark. On the other hand, the batteries on Noddle’s Island rendered the state of the fleet so very uneasy, that it was impossible for either the army or navy to remain any longer in their former situation without being compelled to dislodge the enemy. This was what the Provincials wanted; because, should the attack miscarry on the part of the Royal Army, its destruction would be inevitable, while all the Provincials risked was the loss of a few men, and returning to their former stations. The General was perfectly apprised of this; and, accordingly, after taking the sense of a Council of War, determined to attack the Heights of Dorchester. Your Lordships have been informed that a storm prevented him, and I believe it was very fortunate it did; for in all probability it would have terminated in the destruction of the whole army. This intention being thus abandoned, there remained but the alternative of entering into a convention, no matter whether by writing or parole, or of setting fire to the town, and, under the interruption such a conflagration must have occasioned, escaping aboard the ships and transports lying in the harbour. Even in this event the slaughter must have been great, and the whole rear guard, as I observed before, must have been sacrificed to the preservation of the rest of the army, and probably the body posted at Bunker’s Hill would have been made prisoners. This was the alternative left to General Howe; and fortunately he embraced that part of it which was the means of saving the town and the troops under his command. Any person in the least conversant in military matters, and who has seen the plan of Boston and its environs, will immediately perceive, that if some treaty had not taken place, this, or something similar to it, would have been the consequence. To endeavour, therefore, to mislead your Lordships with any idea that the army came off unmolested in triumph, is too gross even to call for detection. To make one observation more: will the noble Earl pretend to say, that it was from motives of tenderness that Boston was not burnt, or that it was impracticable to do it without loss? His Lordship will hardly seriously affirm the former to be the case; and if he should insist on the latter, I will inform his Lordship, that nothing on earth could be more easily effected; for if the army had nothing to fear from the Provincials in the event of an open deliberate embarkation, they would still have less to fear by setting the town on fire, for they might have filled the houses with combustibles, so as totally to have blown up and destroyed it. But, my Lords, supposing that the Gazette represented matters as they really happened; suppose that the troops embarked in the face of the enemy, without compromise and without interruption: will any noble Lord in office rise and say that be believes General Howe is safely arrived at Halifax? Is it not much more probable that the fleet is blown to Antigua, is separated and dispersed by storms, or is now tossing about in the Atlantick Ocean? If even the troops should have an expeditious and favourable voyage to Halifax, how will they draw provisions from a country far from being fertile, and at present much exhausted from the frequent supplies sent to Boston? Or, allowing them to be safely landed and plentifully provided with all the necessaries of life, how will they be able to maintain their ground against a superior force? Possibly Halifax will be in the possession of the Provincials before they reach it; but granting it should not, it is well known that Halifax has no regular defences; that it is only surrounded by a ditch strengthened by palisadoes; and that the buildings are all composed of wood; so that, taking the matter in any light, the measure is full of danger; for either the superior force of the Provincials may either force the works, or, if they choose to act more cautiously, they may, with little trouble and less risk, reduce the wooden buildings to ashes. These, my Lords, are no more than so many suppositions, far from being supported by any grounds of probability; for I doubt that the troops will ever reach Halifax; and I am well persuaded if they do, that, as at Boston, Administration will be obliged to supply them with provisions from Leadenhall Market.

Lord Wycombe, [Earl of Shelburne.] My sentiments respecting the present unnatural war, carrying on against America, are already sufficiently known. I have all along looked upon it to be cruel, unjust, inexpedient, and oppressive; and I am confident, if obstinately pursued, it will end in the destruction of both countries. For the reasons that have been already so ably stated by the noble Duke who made the motion, I came down this day to second it. I think it highly necessary that your Lordships should be fully informed, otherwise how is it possible you can be enabled to give your advice to your Sovereign? If I even entertained a better opinion than I do of the abilities of those in power, I should still think that they do not possess all the wisdom of the nation. Your Lordships are the constitutional great council. It is your duty and your province, as the hereditary counsellors of the Crown, to consult together, to deliberate, and advise. How is it possible that you can discharge this important trust without proper information, and a previous knowledge of the facts on which you are to determine? The noble Earl says, the plan of future operations is so blended and mixed with the mere detail of the evacuation and embarkation of the troops, that it is impossible to give one without disclosing the other. This, my Lords, is a new language to me, either as an official man or a member of this House. I know, when I had the honour to serve his Majesty, I looked upon it as an essential part of my duty, and was prompted by inclination, to give every possible information to your Lordships, whenever you called for it. I was always proud of an opportunity of gratifying the House in this respect, because I looked upon it to be the best test of the purity of my intentions, how much soever it might tend to impeach my judgment. This, I know, was the