GENERAL SULLIVAN TO GENERAL WASHINGTON.

Chambly, June 3, 1776.

MY DEAR GENERAL: I had written a letter to Congress, and expected to have the honour of writing one to you before the Commissioners departed, but as I found them going off before I could possibly finish one to you, I sealed that, and begged Mr. Chase to desire your Excellency to open and read it, which contained the purport of what I intended to write your Excellency. I have since that been to Montreal, and find almost every person agreed to depart without even seeing the enemy. General Thompson writes that about eight hundred of the enemy have arrived at Three Rivers, forty-five miles below Sorel, where he is. This he has by report only. I find that all the heavy baggage is sent away with the intrenching tools, &c.; on that account I have ordered them back, and am this moment embarking for Sorel, where I hope to arrive by daybreak, and meet them with all the force I can make. I am far from fearing eight hundred men against such a force as I can muster. I have desired all the General officers to be with me there, who seem well satisfied to go on. Want of time prevents my writing more fully on the state of affairs here at present, which I shall not forget to do as soon as possible. In the interim, I am, dear General, with great respect, your most obedient servant,

JOHN SULLIVAN.

His Excellency General Washington.

AN ADDRESS TO THE INHABITANTS OF THE UNITED COLONIES.—No.1.

MY FRIENDS AND BRETHREN: I have long been designing to take my pen in hand, and throw out some thoughts upon a variety of useful subjects, but have hitherto been prevented, from a deep conviction of my inability to do them justice. But the demands of my injured country are so pressing, and so indisputably call for the united exertions of every individual, in all ways within his reach, for its salvation, that I am necessitated to write. The patriotick fire burns within my bosom, and collects new force every day. Nor shall I fear, if it rages as I go on, of incurring the just resentment of the man or woman whose approbation I would ever court. My design is, to rouse the attention of this continent to the various parts of their political duty; to represent things in their native dress; to trace every impolitick measure, through all its necessary or usual attendants and consequences; and to hold up to universal view those arguments which, gloomy as the prospect is, may inspire our hearts with invincible fortitude, carry us through the deepest distresses with reputation and dignity, and transmit our names to future ages with all possible marks of respect.

It will be natural to suppose, after saying thus much, that a regular plan should be invariably pursued; but it will be no transgression to attend to the circumstances of our publick affairs. As they vary, so shall I. Observations and remarks drawn from present occurrences produce a more lasting effect than any other. This, daily experience confirms; and it might indeed be argued from the frame of the human mind.

The first thing to which I shall pay particular attention is the almost unaccountable mistake of the people with respect to a late resolve of the General Congress. It might be expected that all which proceeds from that body would be expressed with the utmost plainness, perspicuity, and energy. Sensible what attempts would be made to misconstrue and quarrel with their proceedings, it is evident they have taken no small pains to avoid all ambiguous expressions. Attentive, however, as they have been, the event has unfortunately, in some instances, turned according to their expectations. It must be allowed that every reason concurred to make them clear, explicit and particular.

The resolve to which I refer bears date April 30, 1776. The Committee of Inspection and Observation for the City and Liberties of Philadelphia made application to Congress for advice, “Whether they ought to continue the exercise of the power of regulating the price of goods in other instances than that of Green tea; ”; upon which it was resolved “that the ninth article of the Association, which enjoined the inhabitants of the United Colonies to sell goods and merchandises at the rates they had respectively been accustomed to do for twelve months then last past, was, in its nature, a temporary regulation respecting goods then on hand; but as those are nearly consumed, and a further supply must be obtained at an extraordinary risk and expense, and it is reasonable that adventurers should be encouraged by a prospect of gain adequate to the danger which may be incurred in the importation; and a free trade being now opened from the United Colonies to all parts of the world, except the dominions belonging to the King of Great Britain,—Resolved, that the power of Committees of Inspection and Observation to regulate the prices of goods (in other instances than the article of Green tea) ought to cease.” This resolve, people judge wholly supersedes and destroys one passed April 13, which is thus: After having given full liberty to use the tea in the country, to prevent unreasonable advantages being taken from its scarcity, it is resolved, therefore, “that Bohea tea ought not to be sold in the smallest quantities at a higher price in any Colony than at the rate of three-fourths of a dollar per pound, and other teas at such prices as shall be regulated by the Committees of the Town or County where the tea is sold; and that all persons who shall give or take a greater price for it ought to be considered as enemies to the American cause, and treated accordingly. And it is earnestly recommended to all Committees of Inspection and Observation, as well to be vigilant in carrying this resolve into execution, as those which prohibit the importation of India tea from any part of the world; it being the desire of Congress to exclude all teas except such as may make part of the cargoes of prizes taken by the ships of war or privateers belonging to these Colonies.” Here, my readers, you have the two resolves before you, under your eye at once. And I cannot forbear observing that some people, under certain circumstances, are possessed of a peculiar talent in discovering contradictions and absurdities. What could give rise to this one it is very hard to conceive. Shall we attribute it to criminal and unbecoming inattention? Can an American be inattentive and regardless of resolves passed by the most venerable body upon earth, and to which he continually looks for guidance and direction? How is it possible? Shall he ascribe it to a downright contempt of Congress? This is more criminal still, and merits more accumulated vengeance. Or can we suppose that avarice governs every soul, and gives law to the whole of our conduct? Forbid it, Heaven! that so vile, so destructive, so wicked a principle, should assume an uncontrollable sway over this continent. But to what is it owing? It has a foundation somewhere. The mistake, misconstruction, perversion—call it what you will—originated from some quarter. However, I am not so desirous to determine this as I am to show that it has in fact nothing to support it from anything which Congress has published. I shall attempt a very critical inquiry and examination; for the closer we examine it the plainer it will appear, and the more thorough the conviction it must carry to every mind.

In the first place: The regulation of Bohea tea was never put by Congress into the hands of any Committee whatever. A former resolve has prohibited the use of it except in extraordinary and singular cases. It was judged too important a matter for any body, save the supreme, to interpose, direct, and meddle further in it, than to grant licenses under Continental restrictions, and determine the nature and circumstances of any application which was made. Thus far reached the power of Committees, and no farther. Now, how improbable it is that the Committee of Philadelphia should seek advice about an article which they knew, and every man knows, was wholly out of their province to regulate? Such authority was never vested in them. They could not, therefore, mean, by asking “Whether they ought to continue the exercise of this power of regulating the price of goods in other instances than that of Green tea,” to inquire whether what they had never been advised about and pressed to do, should now be exempted from the list of articles which they had before taken care of. Notwithstanding repeated application was made to Congress by private gentlemen to remove the restraints from this article, yet, till April 13, nothing transpired about it. Had Congress ordered Committees to fix the price and sell at pleasure, this resolve would have been absolutely unnecessary and ridiculous. To say the least of it, it would have been a repetition of what was already long ago determined and settled.

Further, secondly: There is a particular reference had

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