in the resolve to the ninth article of the Association,“which enjoins the inhabitants of the United Colonies to sell goods and merchandises at the rates they have respectively been accustomed to do for twelve months then last past.” That tea does not come within this restriction is clear from the third article of the said Association, in which the purchasing or using of it is expressly prohibited. Now, as there is no contradiction between the third and ninth articles—one in no sense designed to set aside the other—and as the resolve of April 30 refers immediately, particularly, and entirely to the ninth, I think it cannot militate against the resolve of April 13, nor affect it in any manner. There is no suggestion, no hint nor intimation which could lead an attentive and unprejudiced mind to conclude that Congress intended to repeal or supersede its own regulation of the price of it. Why were not both resolves referred to and mentioned as well as one? The same reasons necessarily operate in both cases, the same propriety and need of it. Doubtless a very good custom, when a former act of an Assembly or Congress is set aside, to preface it with an enumeration of the reasons, and the old act itself. But as this of the 13th of April is not named, it fairly implies that stands in full force, and the obligation, consequently, to observe it, as strong as ever it was. Perhaps futurity may know no alteration.

Further, thirdly: The reasons upon which the resolve of April 30 is built cannot possibly extend to the Bohea tea which was imported into America before it was passed. Be pleased to attend to them:“As the goods in the country are nearly consumed, and a further supply must be obtained, at an extraordinary risk and expense, and it is reasonable that adventurers should be encouraged by a prospect of gain adequate to the danger which may be incurred in the importation, and a free trade being now opened from the United Colonies to all parts of the world, except the dominions belonging to Great Britain.” These are the reasons, substantial ones, too, and worthy the conceptions which have been formed of Congress. But they do not operate with respect to teas; they do not with respect to a single article imported from time back; they reach into future time, and bear a very favourable aspect upon our trade, which may hereafter be carried on. I wonder how any mortal could suppose that these reasons should influence a single member that acted upon principle, in passing the resolve of April 13, to repeal it.

Further: Every motive and argument which engaged and determined the Congress to fix the price of Bohea tea must still engage and determine them to continue the resolve. They are suggested. Aware of the corruption of human nature, and of the insufficiency of reason and Christianity to stem and control the necessary operation of narrow, selfish, and avaricious principles, they resolved to throw a little more weight into the scale of virtue and patriotism; and, if possible, make it preponderate every other consideration. Mankind are as depraved as before. America has as many base souls as ever: oh ! that they were not continually increasing. Conceive of anything which could be an inducement, and it remains with its unabated, undiminished force.

Further: What could induce Congress to supersede the resolve of April 13? Did they find upon trial that the measure was impolitick, unnecessary, unjustifiable, or fatal in its consequences? Did they receive any application from any number of gentlemen from any publick body for a repeal? Did their own conscience smite them for the injury which they had done the merchants, a respectable class of people? Did they find they had brought upon themselves the mighty resentment of their constituents? Did they dread the curses of posterity for it? Could they name any inconvenience which attended it? Did they imagine, if the people suitably exerted themselves, it was impracticable in the execution? None of these things are pretended. Pray what did operate in an imperceptible and surprising manner upon the authors of that resolve? Could not they foresee its effects? These questions carry their own answers. It is plain the thought never entered their minds; the reasons which have been urged, I humbly judge, abundantly evince the point, that the resolve of April 13 has never been repealed by any subsequent one, and there never will a reason occur to justify a repeal. We might have said more, but it is an established rule in philosophy to assign no more reasons than are sufficient to account for the effect, to establish the point in view.

I must now expect to be attacked upon every side. Let my opposers remember, truth bids defiance and shines brighter, many times, by opposition. While the press is open, while life is preserved, and domestick business does not too much interrupt, I intend to expose every attempt to destroy the impregnable barrier against lawless power, which the wisdom of the continent is erecting—impregnable, if we do not throw it down by secret fraud or publick contention.

You will now ask, “Why so much bustle about Bohea tea, when the future importation of it is prohibited? Why may not the traders, undisturbed, sell it at any price?” Rather ask, my reader, why may not the traders tread upon forbidden ground, violate every resolve of Congress, and stand foremost in the list of oppressors? Let the question wear this dress, and propose it to the discussion of the universe. Let me inquire, Has not Congress fixed the price of Bohea tea? Did it not fall within their province to do it? Is it not proper to execute their resolves; to enforce them by every justifiable method in our power? Are we not bound to adhere strictly to their measures, and strengthen their authority? Can we treat their proceedings with lightness, and not be guilty? There is not one will lay his negative publickly upon these questions. What does it avail to assert, and in the next breath contradict them? You will say,“This tea is no great matter; we would in general remember and reverence Congress.” Well, but why not now? What exempts you from your obligation at this time and in this particular instance? The authority, the justice, propriety and need of the regulation are indisputable. Why will you indulge yourselves to break over this bound? Why will you make any inroads? Why introduce a precedent, which, if followed throughout, will prove your ruin? Why will you open a door which can never, upon your principles, with any consistency, be shut? Will you get by this violation the plaudits of your own breasts, the thanks of the traders, the increase of your interest, or the approbation of Congress? Possibly you will enrich the coffers of the traders at the expense of your character, your patriotism and estate, and that is all; and methinks that is enough—it is more than enough for me. I solemnly protest, with the assistance of my Heavenly Father, without whom I would never form a resolution and promise, I will never drink one drop of that tea which I know costs more than the Congress allows of by one of their late resolves. And here I am struck with wonder at the strange behaviour of our honest farmers. For the most part, a man runs as great a risk in touching their purse, as he would in stretching forth a hand to take their life. The genius of the Colony, indeed, has bordered a vast deal too much for its reputation and advantage upon covetousness. But the husbandmen among us could not bear, unless necessity called loudly, to devote a farthing of their estate to any useful and important purpose. The expenses of the Continental war lie as an insupportable burden upon multitudes; and blessed, as some of them are, with a fertile imagination, they can, at one view, see their families stripped of every comfort, and their purses empty as their heads, even if immortal victory should declare for the brave Americans. The prospect of the taxes almost overwhelms the tender minds—forgive me—the narrow disposition of thousands. I would recommend it to those of my readers who find themselves subject to fainting under such overpowering views, to lay up a store of the spirit of hartshorn, some lavender, nitre, and a variety of braving, invigorating, and enlivening medicines. It is not prudent ever to journey or labour without them. Our thoughts are not always under the least control. No one can tell what may happen. Always be upon your guard. Let not a prospect strike you unprovided. To be serious, what a wonderful change in human affairs! The farmer, and thousands of others, who would not willingly bestow one penny for the support of literature or religion, can throw away eighteen pence upon every pound of tea which they buy. A dollar, now money is as plentiful as dirt, is nothing. When we might oblige the traders to sell us their tea for four shillings and six pence, and observe the resolve of Congress, or let it lie in their stores to the end of the world, we unite, as it were, to uphold them in their wickedness. I know not how we can answer it at any tribunal. I deprecate the principle from which such a conduct takes its rise. Let a collector call upon one of these gentlemen for a county, a town, or Ministerial rate, and he will pour forth complaints