again returning to her former subordinate situation. The noble Lord, I have no doubt, understood me in that sense; but I trust his Lordship will do me the justice to believe that I meant no such thing. I think such an union impracticable, and I think, too, that, sooner or later, a formal separation must take place. In such an event, I allow, it would be the mutual interest of both countries to be connected by every tie of alliance and friendly intercourse; in short, to be united in everything but the same Government.

The Earl of Carlisle. I trust I shall obtain credit when I assure your Lordships that no consideration whatever should induce me to give a negative to the motion now made, if I had not been perfectly satisfied of the necessity of the measures carrying on against America. It is not, in my opinion, a mere question of party, but involves in it the consequences of the total ruin or salvation of this country. If we should concede, so as to relinquish every substantial benefit which we might derive from our political sovereignty and commercial control over our Colonies, what will be the probable consequence, but that this country, deprived of the advantages of an immense commerce, and everything flowing and connected with those advantages, will gradually sink into obscurity and insignificance, and fall at length a prey to the first powerful or ambitious state which may meditate a conquest of this Island? If we consider the present state and condition of several of the great Powers of Europe; if we reflect on their strength and immense resources; if, viewing the map, we see the figure Great Britain cuts in respect of extent of territory; if we collect the whole into one focus, and connect the ideas of their strength, and our own native imbecility, should America be torn from us, the prospect is indeed dreadful. It is, therefore, in my opinion, a measure not only necessary to the vindication of our honour, but even essential to our very existence as a people. It calls on us to exert every power, and strain every nerve, to bring America back again to her duty, and to secure to us her subordinate dependance. On this ground, and this alone, I am warmly for the measure proposed to be rescinded by this motion. I have not a doubt of the necessity of coercive measures in the present state and disposition of America; and under that conviction I am persuaded that the number of hands required to carry on our manufactures, the little use of new levies, at least for the first campaign, and the desire every friend to his country ought to have to put a speedy termination to the present unhappy troubles, united, create an evident necessity for the employment of foreigners, in preference to native troops. Besides, consider only the unwieldly bulk of this vast extended empire, and the operations necessary, even in case of a defensive war, and determine, if it be possible, for such an inconsiderable spot as this Island is, in the nature of things, to furnish numbers sufficient to carry on operations the nature of such a service demands.

His R. H. the Duke of Cumberland. My Lords, I shall not enter into the whole field of the American debate, which has been so ably discussed by your Lordships; but as I have constantly opposed these oppressive measures, I heartily concur with the motion made by the noble Duke, because it is full of respect and duty to the Crown, strongly reprobating the misconduct of Ministers, and laying the basis for a happy reconciliation between Great Britain and her Colonies. My Lords, I lament to see Brunswickers, who once (to their great honour) were employed in the defence of the liberties of the subject, now sent to subjugate his constitutional liberties in another part of this vast empire.

The Duke of Chandos. The noble Duke who made the motion has charged the supporters of the measures respecting America, with favouring designs subversive of the liberties of their country. I do assure his Grace, if I thought the measures he speaks of had any such tendency, neither his Grace nor any noble Lord in this House would be further than I from giving or affording them the least countenance or support. It is because I am fully satisfied that those measures are perfectly necessary and constitutional, that I have uniformly given them my sanction as a rnember of this House; and I will add, that I am no less convinced of the propriety of the measures, than of the high integrity and abilities of those who have advised them. The noble Duke has thrown out the most unjust charges and ill-founded insinuations against the whole body of the Militia. As a Lord-Lieutenant of a very respectable County, I find myself included in the censure, and look upon my honour as very materially wounded. I am certain I can answer for the corps which I have the honour to command; and have reason to presume it is universally so throughout the service, that no officers but such as are duly qualified to serve are admitted. I therefore am authorized to say, that the noble Duke is totally mistaken in his assertions, so far as has come within my own knowledge; and have a right to presume that he has been equally mistaken as applying to every other corps in his Majesty’s service.

The Duke of Manchester. My Lords, after the long and accurate detail given by the noble Duke, of the treaties now before the House, I will not detain your Lordships by a recapitulation of particulars; nor, indeed, do I think it very material to except against particulars of a treaty, where the whole appears to me greatly reprehensible, or to cavil with Ministers on little articles, whilst charges of a heavier nature may be laid to their account. The information given to us in his Majesty’s speech at the opening of the session, of the introduction of foreign troops into the garrisons of Gibraltar and Mahon, without the previous consent of Parliament, gave me a serious alarm. The unconstitutional doctrine held in this House, setting up the power of the prerogative above the power of Parliament; the attempt to introduce foreign troops into Ireland, without even asking the opinion of the British Parliament,—all concur to bear strong testimonies, that an abridgment of British, as well as American liberty, would not be disagreeable to some of our present rulers. Long has this nation survived the loss of that liberty which was once the lot of her neighbouring European kingdoms; but, my Lords, there is at present such an indifference to serious things, such a love of ease and luxury, which gives to Ministers an almost irresistible sway, that I doubt this country is very near that crisis when she will passively surrender all those rights her ancestors held most dear. My Lords, I am not vain enough to think that I possess any power of speech to awaken to publick zeal; but, with your permission, I will submit to you some reasons, drawn from State policy and convenience, why we should not be too eager to push on this war. My Lords, whatever was the original cause of the war; whatever were the claims of Great Britain, or however unjustifiable might be thought the resistance of the Colonies to those claims,—no impartial man can say, that in nothing has Britain been to blame. But waiving this disquisition, let us consider the present situation of affairs. The events of the last campaign show us that the war will not be of very easy conclusion. Though we allow the British troops to have been successful at the attack on the heights of Charlestown, yet was that success dearly bought and greatly balanced by the loss of forts, of garrisons—I might say, of nations. The defection from Government has been total—total, my Lords; for besides the desolated prison of the British troops, (the devoted Boston,) and the town of Halifax, kept in awe by a large garrison, what remains to Government, of all the continent of America, as far as British Colonies extend? Nay, my Lords, the misfortune has spread farther: the conquests of the last war, so dearly rent from France, are mouldering from us; and though we have reports that the Provincial arms have met a check at Quebeck, great part of Canada owns another master. Still we are bent to push on an invading war against a powerful enemy, with every circumstance against us but the advantage of our fleet. Let us now consider the means we have to prosecute this war. The British troops, we find, fail not, my Lords, in point of courage; but they show an honest backwardness to engage against their fellow-citizens. To Germany we have recourse for assistance; seventeen thousand German mercenaries are at last obtained; with these and a small British army, many of whose regiments consist entirely of recruits, some of whom are of the worst description, (for I have been told that even the prisons have been ransacked to augment the number,) is this country to engage a nation who are enthusiastick in their cause; have no hopes but in success; are united by every tie; have every stimulative to courage that shame or ambition can give an army of brothers. The mercenaries we employ (for they may be justly called so, since that man must be deemed a mercenary soldier who fights for pay in the cause in which he has no concern) are a motley band of various nations, who are yet in Germany, and are yet to be conveyed across the Atlantick. Some will perish in the