involving ourselves in a war with the united strength of the House of Bourbon. For this purpose I move,

“That an humble Address be presented to his Majesty, beseeching him that, in order to prevent the further effusion of blood, and to manifest how desirous the King of Great Britain and his Parliament are to restore peace to all parts of the dominions of his Majesty’s Crown, and how earnestly they wish to redress any real grievances of his Majesty’s subjects, his Majesty would be graciously pleased to issue his royal Proclamation, declaring that, in case the Colonies, within a reasonable time before or after the arrival of the troops destined for America, shall present a Petition to the Commander-in-Chief in America, or to the Commissioner or Commissioners to be appointed by his Majesty under the authority of an Act entitled ‘An Act to prohibit all trade and intercourse with the Colonies of New-Hampshire, Massachusetts-Bay, Rhode-Island, Connecticut, New-York, New-Jersey, Pennsylvania, the three lower Counties on Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North-Carolina, South-Carolina, and Georgia, during the continuance of the present Rebellion within the said Colonies respectively; for repealing an Act, made in the fourteenth year of the reign of his present Majesty, ‘to discontinue the landing and discharging, lading or shipping of goods, wares, and merchandise, at the Town and within the Harbour of Boston, in the Province of Massachusetts-Bay;’ and also two Acts, made in the last session of Parliament, ‘ for restraining the trade and commerce of the Colonies in the said acts respectively mentioned; and to enable his Majesty, or any person or persons appointed and authorized by his Majesty to grant pardons, and to issue proclamations, in the cases and for the purposes therein mentioned,’—setting forth in such Petition, which is to be transmitted to his Majesty, what they consider to be their just rights and real grievances, that in such case his Majesty will consent to a suspension of arms; and that his Majesty has authority from his Parliament to assure them that such their Petition shall be received, considered, and answered.”

The Earl of Dartmouth. The noble Duke having alluded to me personally, it is necessary for me to say a few words as to my own particular sentiments. His Grace has quoted my words in a former debate, to show what was my then opinion, and how far Administration had changed theirs since I quitted the office I had then the honour to fill. For my part, I do not at all doubt but the expression adverted to might have fallen from me; nor do I mean to disavow it now. My opinion, both then and now, was, that it was neither the interest nor the wish of this country to make a conquest of America. If that be what the noble Duke means by unconditional submission, I am sure I should be far from approving of it; but if unconditional submission be a resolution on our part not to cease hostilities till America submits so far as to acknowledge the supreme authority of this country, I am still consistent; for I ever was and ever shall be of opinion that this country cannot, with propriety, concede, nor can we, consistent with the honour, dignity, or essential interests of this country, consent to lay down our arms, or suspend the operations now carrying on, till the Colonies own our legislative sovereignty; and, by acts of duty and obedience, show such a disposition as will entitle them to the favour and protection of the parent State. Besides, I do not hold it perfectly fair or parliamentary to bind a person to expressions and opinions given in one situation of affairs, when that situation comes to be materially altered. I was willing to suppose that the disorders in that country were local, and had chiefly pervaded the hearts of an inconsiderable number of men, who were only formidable because they possessed the power of factious delusion and imposition. I all along expected that the body of the people, when they came to view the consequences closely, and consider them attentively, would soon perceive the danger in which they were precipitating themselves, and of course return to their duty. Urged by those expectations, I was anxious to treat them with tenderness, to give them every reasonable indulgence; and even to give way to their prejudices, so far as it could be done with safety. What has been the consequence? They have treated those marks of favour as so many indications of national imbecility; they have abused this lenity in proportion as it has been liberally and affectionately exercised; and have imputed our humanity and forbearance not to motives of tenderness and maternal affection, but to a timid backwardness and want of ability to assert our rights.

The noble Duke grounds his motion on motives of humanity, equity, and policy. I will venture to contend that neither the noble Duke nor any other Lord in this House is more warmly inclined to humane measures than I am. But does his Grace’s motion promise to promote humanity? I am sure it does not; for if there be anything at all in the tenderness he has expressed, or the horrours he has described at the thoughts of the effusion of human blood, the surest way to prevent a calamity, which I as earnestly deprecate as any Lord in this House, will be, to send the armaments now destined for that country with all possible expedition. Their fears may exact a conduct which I am well persuaded their duty or obedience would never have inspired. They will be convinced that we have the ability, as well as the inclination, to compel them to acknowledge the true subordinate and constitutional relation they bear to the mother country. So that, uniting with the noble Duke on the principle of humanity, but differing on the means, I am of opinion that the only sure and solid way of averting the evils of civil war, and all the dreadful consequences which such a melancholy and dreadful state of things would necessarily produce, will be to send such a force as will awe the Colonies into submission; as will lay a lasting basis for the future security of the constitutional rights of that country, the supreme legislative controlling authority of this, and the general interests of the whole empire. In my opinion, every one of those objects would be defeated, should the motion now made by the noble Duke receive your Lordships’ approbation. What does it import? That you shall immediately address his Majesty, that a royal proclamation be issued to suspend all future hostilities, in order to await the effect such a proclamation may have in America. Will not this be pursuing that plan of mistaken lenity which has been complained of as one source of our present situation? Will it not be fairly declaring that we are afraid to assert our rights; or that we are conscious of our inability to assert them? I am sure it will have that appearance; and will be so interpreted by the people of America. I would further recommend to your Lordships to consider that although the intended force should be sent out, as I hope and trust it will, that will not preclude an accommodation; it will not prevent us from hearkening to their propositions. It may be the means of restoring the Colonies to their senses; but it will never prevent us from granting such terms as we may deem consistent with the dignity of Parliament and the rights of the parent State. However, as the noble Duke has framed his motion, and supported it by arguments which seem to imply an alternative of war, for the purpose of conquest or unconditional submission, I would wish to move the previous question, in preference to a direct negative; and I will state to your Lordships the reason why I prefer the former, though I do not at all agree with his Grace, that a negative to his motion would show that it was the intention or desire of this House to insist on an unconditional submission, in the exact terms he has described it. My reason is, lest such an idea should get out, and prevail either here or in America. Nevertheless, if any of your Lordships should think otherwise, I am very willing to withdraw the previous question; for whether the motion is negatived in one way or the other, if that should be the event of it, I am determined, for my own part, to give it a negative; because I am convinced it may be productive of great evil, by breaking and interrupting the line of publick measures already agreed on, and can produce no one good consequence whatever, the matter of accommodation lying equally open on the grounds now explained, with or without it; while, on the other hand, should you agree to it, your Lordships would thereby virtually declare a disapprobation of the measures now pursuing against America, or confess your inability to carry them into execution.

The Duke of Manchester. The present state of publick affairs, my Lords, whether considered in the gross or detail, affords sufficient reason for every man who feels for the dignity, honour, and interest of his country, to be most seriously alarmed. The very great expense with which the present measures must necessarily be attended; the uncertainty of the real disposition of foreign powers; and the present state of our navy, which I am assured is far from being in that respectable situation your Lordships have been given to